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Gujarat-The growth engine of India-a myth

GSDP increase at current prices in six years (2004-05 to 2009-10)

Sr.No. Name of State GSDP
1 Uttrakhand 250.65 %
2 Chhatishgadh 229.46 %
3 Haryana 226.91 %
4 Bihar 225.31 %
5 Maharashtra 217.80 %
6 Delhi 217.15 %
7 Orrisa 211.97 %
8 Tamilnadu 211.65 %
9 Andhra Pradesh 211.50 %
10 Gujarat 211.12 %
All India 206.00 %

Gujarat is not a growth engine of India. It is ranked at 10th place in increase of Growth State domestic product (GSDP) in Six year (2004-05 to 2009-10) of Narendra Modi rule.

(Source: State Domestic Product, Gujarat State 2009-2010

{Base year 2004-05}, Director of Economics & Statistics,

Government of Gujarat.)

Production of Important Crop Group (in 000mt.)

Sr. No. Item 2007-2008 2008-2009 % Change
1 Food Grains 8206 6345 -22.7
2 Oil Seeds 4699 3932 -16.3
3 Condi. & Spices 606 451 -25.7
4 Cotton* 8276 7014 -15.2
5 Tobacco 79 70 -11.4

(Source: Directorate of Agriculture, Gujarat*:Production in’ 000 bales.)
Selected Indicators of of Human Development for major States

Sr. No. Name of State Life Expectancy at birth (2002-2006)
Male Female Total
1 Kerala 71.4 76.3 74.0
2 Punjab 68.4 70.4 69.4
3 Tamil Nadu 65.0 67.4 66.2
4 Haryana 65.9 66.3 66.2
5 Karnataka 63.6 67.1 65.3
6 West Bengal 64.1 65.8 64.9
7 Andhra Pradesh 62.9 65.5 64.4
8 Gujarat 62.9 65.2 64.1

Source:              Office of the Registrar General of India; Ministry of Home Affairs; Economic Survey, 2010-2011

Sr. No. Name of State Infant Mortality Rate (per 1000 live births, 2009)
Male Female Total
1 Kerala 10 13 12
2 Tamil Nadu 30 33 31
3 Maharashtra 33 33 33
4 West Bengal 34 37 35
5 Punjab 39 43 41
6 Karnataka 44 46 45
7 Gujarat 49 51 50

Source:              Office of the Registrar General of India; Ministry of Home Affairs; Economic Survey, 2010-2011

Sr.No. Name of State Maternal Mortality Ratio(MMR)SRS Bulletin-April 2009
1 Kerala 4.9
2 Tamil Nadu 6.6
3 Maharashtra 9.3
4 West Bengal 10.0
5 Andhra Pradesh 10.9
6 Punjab 13.7
7 Karnataka 14.0
8 Gujarat 14.8

Source:              Registrar General of India, Special Bulletin of Maternal Mortality in India 2004-06 SRS

Sr.No. Name of State Birth rate(per 1000) 2008
1 Kerala 14.6
2 Tamil Nadu 16.0
3 Punjab 17.3
4 West Bengal 17.5
5 Maharashtra 17.9
6 Andhra Pradesh 18.4
7 Karnataka 19.8
8 Orissa 21.4
9 Gujarat 22.6

Source:              Office of the Registrar General of India; Ministry of Home Affairs; Economic Survey, 2010-2011
Sex Ratio (0-6 Years)

Sr.No. Name of State Census 2001 Census 2011 Difference 2011 & 2001
1 Punjab 798 846 48
2 Chandigarh 845 867 22
3 Haryana 819 830 11
4 Himachal Pradesh 896 906 10
5 A&N Islands 957 966 9
6 Mizoram 964 971 7
7 Tamilnadu 942 946 4
8 Gujarat 883 886 3

Source:              (1) Census 2001; (2) Census 2011 Provisional results; and (3) 11th Five Year Plan
Table-1

Sex Ratio at birth by residence, bigger States, 2006-2008

Sr. No. Name of State Total Rural Urban
1 Chhattisgarh 975 985 914
2 Kerala 964 962 970
3 West Bengal 941 938 950
4 Himachal Pradesh 938 939 916
5 Orissa 937 939 917
6 Tamil Nadu 936 935 937
7 Karnataka 935 935 937
8 Assam 933 936 900
9 Jharkhand 922 935 846
10 Madhya Pradesh 919 919 921
11 Andhra Pradesh 917 913 930
12 Bihar 914 917 880
13 Gujarat 898 922 856

Table-2

Sex Ratio of Child (age group 0-4) during at the period 2006-2008

Sr. No. Name of State Total Rural Urban
1 Chhattisgarh 976 989 908
2 West Bengal 970 972 963
3 Kerala 970 971 969
4 Himachal Pradesh 954 957 908
5 Orrissa 949 950 947
6 Tamil Nadu 947 943 954
7 Assam 947 948 939
8 Karnataka 942 943 940
9 Jharkhand 938 949 879
10 Andhra Pradesh 937 937 938
11 Bihar 932 935 910
12 Madhya Pradesh 930 936 905
13 Maharashtra 899 893 908
14 Jammu & Kashmir 885 883 890
15 Uttar Pradesh 884 884 885
16 Gujarat 883 908 841

Source:              (1) Census 2001; (2) Census 2011 Provisional results; and (3) 11th Five Year Plan
Performance of States of India(Rural)-ACER 2009: (% of Children who can Read English Sentences)

Sr.No. Name of State STD-V
1 Goa 87.0
2 Sikkim 80.8
3 Arunachal Pradesh 73.8
4 Nagaland 68.0
5 Manipur 66.6
6 Himachhal Pradesh 63.3
7 Mizoram 57.8
8 Meghalaya 57.0
9 Kerala 54.5
10 Haryana 43.8
11 Jammu & Kashmir 41.8
12 Andhra Pradesh 37.3
13 Maharashtra 34.6
14 Uttarakhand 34.5
15 Punjab 34.5
16 Bihar 31.3
17 Madhya Pradesh 29.6
18 West Bengal 27.1
19 Assam 25.6
20 Orissa 25.3
21 Tripura 22.7
22 Chhattisgarh 19.0
23 Tamil Nadu 19.0
24 Jharkhand 18.1
25 Rajasthan 17.8
26 Karnataka 15.6
27 Uttar Pradesh 14.0
28 Gujarat 7.9

Source: ASER Reports for 2009: http://asercentre.org
Drop-out Rates in Classes I-X (6-16 yrs.) 2007-2008

Sr.No. Name of States Boys Girls Total
1 Kerala 1.54 -2.59 -0.50
2 Puducherry 5.16 -0.94 2.19
3 Uttar Pradesh 30.27 19.60 26.18
4 Himachal Pradesh 26.14 34.23 30.21
5 Delhi 33.84 38.38 36.04
6 Haryana 33.99 39.15 36.43
7 Tamil Nadu 38.88 36.51 37.73
8 Goa 41.97 35.56 38.86
9 Chandigarh 35.66 41.52 38.46
10 Maharashtra 43.41 49.15 46.17
11 Manipur 47.91 40.83 44.60
12 Karnataka 49.93 48.85 49.41
13 Punjab 49.95 50.04 49.99
14 Gujarat 57.53 61.19 59.11

Source:              Abstract of Selected Educational Statistics 2007-08; Ministry of Human Resources Development GOI
Low Body Mass Index (BMI) and Anaemia in Women (%)

Sr. No. Name of States Anaemia in ever married women (15-49), NFHS-3, 2005-2006
1 Kerala 32.8
2 Manipur 35.7
3 Goa 38.0
4 Punjab 38.0
5 Mizoram 38.6
6 Himachal Pradesh 43.3
7 Delhi 44.3
8 Meghalaya 47.2
9 Maharashtra 48.4
10 Uttar Pradesh 49.9
11 Arunachal Pradesh 50.6
12 Karnataka 51.5
13 Jammu & Kashmir 52.1
14 Rajasthan 53.1
15 Tamil Nadu 53.2
16 Uttaranchal 55.2
17 Gujarat 55.3

Source:              NFHS-2 and NFHS-3
National Family Health Survey (NFHS) & District Level Household Survey (DLHS) Estimates of % of Institutional Delivery and % of Safe Delivery

Sr. No Name of State DLHS-III (2007-2008)Institution Delivery Sr. No Name of State DLHS-III (2007-2008)Safe Delivery
Kerala 99.4 1 Kerala 99.4
Punducherry 99.1 2 Punducherry 99.4
Goa 96.3 3 Goa 97.8
Tamilnadu 94.1 4 Lakshadweep 95.7
Lakshadweep 90.4 5 Tamilnadu 95.6
Chandigarh 73.6 6 Chandigarh 78.5
Andhra Pradesh 71.8 7 Punjab 77.1
Delhi 68.6 8 Andhra Pradesh 75.6
Karnataka 65.1 9 Delhi 71.8
Daman & Div 64.0 10 Jharkhand 71.5
Maharashtra 63.6 11 Maharashtra 69.5
Punjab 63.3 12 Daman & Div 69.4
Gujarat 56.5 13 Miaoram 63.5
14 Gujarat 62.1

Source:              The figures relate to births four, three and five year preceding the survey, for NFHS-1, NFHS-2 and NFHS-3 respectively.
Power Tariffs in Selected States (Rs. Per Unit), 2007-2008

Sr. No Name of State Domestics (Min.) Sr. No Name of State Commercial (Min.) Sr. No Name of State Industrial(Min.)
1 Tamil Nadu 1.20 1 Himachal Pradesh 4.37 1 Himachal Pradesh 3.24
2 Karnataka 2.61 2 West Bengal (U)4.43(R)4.41 2 Punjab 3.75
3 Himachal Pradesh 2.16 3 Hariyana 4.68 3 Maharashtra 3.44
4 Andhra Pradesh 2.39 4 Punjab 4.69 4 Andhra Pradesh 3.80
5 Maharashtra 2.70 5 Maharashtra 5.34 5 West Bengal (U)3.80(R)3.65
6 Punjab 2.47 6 Rajasthan (U)5.54(R)5.54 6 Madhya Pradesh (U)3.86(R)3.49
7 West Bengal (U)2.48(R)2.37 7 Gujarat (U)5.65(R)5.65 7 Karnataka 3.98
8 Madhya Pradesh (U)3.47(R)3.42 8 Rajasthan (U)4.21(R)4.21
9 Gujarat (U)3.48(R)2.64 9 Gujarat (U)4.39(R)4.39

Source:              Central Electricity Authority
% of Households having tap connections

(Both household taps and public taps)

As per NSS Survey July 2008-June 2009

Sr. No Name of States % of Households having tap connections
1 Puducherry 98
2 Chandigarh 89
3 Tamil Nadu 87
4 Goa 84
5 Andman Nicobar 83
6 Arunachal Pradesh 80
7 Himachal Pradesh 78
8 Karnataka 70
9 Sikkim 67
10 Jammu & Kashmir 65
11 Andhra Pradesh 64
12 Hariyana 63
13 Uttrakhand 61
14 Gujarat 58

 This is important. Please take 2 min off vote  Narendra Modi out of the TIME new list. 


Right now his supporters seem to be outnumbering us so please vote. 

 Please  caste your Vote as ” NO WAY “….Click on “No way” option…
Also mail to friends / INDIVIDUALS who would vote against Modi..
 

Official voting ends on Friday, April 6, and the poll winner will be included in the TIME 100 issue. The complete TIME 100 list will be chosen  and revealed on TIME.com on Tuesday, April 17.

http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2107952_2107953_2109997,00.html

DO WATCH  THE VIDEO  BELOW 

Faking Happiness- Narendra Modi, Gujarat and TIME magazine

An Aarti From Time, A Brookings Chalisa- a Response to Times Cover on Narendra Modi


Are they drowned in Modi’s magnetism? Is this worship exigency?

Narendra Modi is no doubt a successful politician. There is almost a special kind of luck that accompanies him in the public domain, luck that can be explained in two decisive electoral victories and the attraction that follows such success. He is constantly in the news and a set of those who fear and adulate the man suggest that the more the institutions of justice berate him, the more his TRP soars. News constantly props up the picture of a decisive chief minister. Last week, Time had him on the cover and Brookings Institution had a favourable report on him. There is a curious timing behind these reports. They hint that he is prime ministerial material and that a realistic sense of politics demands that one engage with the emerging Indian future.

One can match statistics with statistics to show that Modi’s achievement is exaggerated, that other states have done well or that GNP and GDP could take contrary turns in Gujarat. One can say, for instance, that in the five years between 2004-05 and 2009-10, Gujarat’s per capita income nearly doubled from Rs 32,021 to Rs 63,961. In the same period, neighbouring Maharashtra, the perceived laggard, saw its per capita income grow from Rs 35,915 to Rs 74,027. Several states besides Gujarat have shown double digit growth in their GDP in recent years, and Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh have bigger economies. Gujarat now runs a revenue deficit—it spends more than it earns—and its surplus has disappeared. Several other states have improved their fiscal positions meanwhile. Reforms? Five states passed the Fiscal Responsibility Bill before Gujarat did in 2005, and 20 states preceded Gujarat in implementing VAT. Surplus power? Facts on the ground and increasing protests show this to be an exaggerated claim. Human development indicators? Gujarat lags behind in access to primary and higher education, is high on the percentage of population prone to hunger and starvation, access to fiscal credit among the marginalised is low, girl child schooling shows poor figures. State and central government figures support all this.

We think there is also a different way of responding—by asking what is the criteria for decency and well-being? One has to go to the structural roots of the argument, move beyond a gasping portrait of Modi already basking in a future at Lutyens’ Delhi. Time magazine’s two-page picture of Modi on the lawns is suggestive of that. It is as if the props are there, the script is also there, the players are waiting, and all one needs is an auspicious time. The Brookings essay on Modi goes one better and writes him a certificate of good conduct that would help revoke the ban on his US visa. For Brookings, banning a future prime minister would be bad politics.

Why the unholy haste by the brookings institution and time to glamourise a glamour-hungry modi who could well face charges of mass murder?

Time cites a social scientist in a preemptive act, a jumping of the gun proclaiming a once and future king before the democratic and legal process is over. Indian courts are yet to assess whether the evidence collected by investigators and assessed by the amicus curiae appointed by the Supreme Court can make out a case to prosecute Modi, his cabinet colleagues, ideologues, administrators and policemen. The charges are criminal culpability to conspire to commit mass murder, subvert the justice process and destroy critical evidence and records. Why then, we may ask, the unholy haste by Time magazine and the Brookings Institution when courts are seized of the matter, Modi could (or may not) be charge-sheeted for criminal offences, when general elections are nearly two years away?

The analysis presented states that Muslims are voting for Modi as the Congress is too weak to do anything for them. The question one has to ask is: Is such a lazy social science enough? Which section of Muslims is voting for Modi? Two, is a vote for Modi a legitimation of Modi or is it a shotgun wedding of a community that is desperate to survive and see that its people still wrongfully locked in jail are released?

Anyone who watched the Sadbhavna festival would realise that the Muslims who came were paying court to a king. There was no rapprochement, no forgiveness. If anything, the ritual expressed its distance from Muslim life. The Sadbhavna yatra was more a power game like ancient times where people swore fealty to the lord. The state government, in the ultimate display of control, has refused activists access to accounts of the public monies spent on an autocratic chief minister’s personal agenda.

One has to read the metaphors of the Time report. Modi is presented as wearing the white of a penitent embarking on fasts. The writer, Jyoti Thottam, suggests it’s an act of purification,
humility and bridge-building. To read Modi’s Sadbhavna fasts in this way insults the idea of fast as a moral weapon and confuses it for a strategic tool. White, anyway, is the most hypocritical colour of politicians. The question one has to ask before one uses words like humility and purity is: What is the moral nature of the act?

But Modi should not be seen only a personality. He is a Rorschach inkblot set before society, provoking basic questions. Modi, in terms of civic indicators like investment, rule of law and governance is scoring high. These statistics have been rigorously contested in the public domain, by the Gujarati media, by the opposition, even the state government’s own figures. And what about the CAG reports on Sufalam Sujalam project, the Kutch melas and the public disinvestment scams? A dispassionate assessment exposes the Modi makeover for the brazen public relations job it was meant to be.

The question that needs asking is whether modi fits into a vision of a society where the minorities have a place, where dissent has a place.

And then how does one look at and talk about his institution-building? He has refused to allow the Lokayukta to function freely. He has silenced the bureaucracy with threats, incentives of plum posts, juicy extensions that let senior bureaucrats retain power and visibility. His privatisation of medicine has to be independently assessed in terms of ethics, care, cost and well-being. Ahmedabad, home to at least four universities and some of the finest institutes, still cannot produce a critical debate on him, as many institutes have quietly imposed a gag order on dissenting intellectuals. The Congress, though weak as an opposition, has highlighted a major issue. Land is being bequeathed to major corporations like Tatas and Adanis on easy terms, transforming public lands into private goods. At the Gujarati taxpayer’s expense.

The Brookings narrative adds a second halo to Modi. It converts him tacitly from a politician to a statesman receiving courses on climate change and even writing a book on it. Behind both essays is an even more tacit semiotics. It is what we must call the Americanisation of Modi. It creates a political palatability to his reception abroad. Leave aside the American’s love of the Asian dictator with a keen and ready investment plan, there is first the Horatio Alger syndrome, portraying him as a self-made man, as a protestant ascetic, a journey Time portrays in the from-smalltown-boy-to-CEO-of-Gujarat, succeeding without family connections or fancy education. He seems very different from the young Congress elite, with their pampered backgrounds. Unlike other Indians, he keeps his family at a distance. There is no family coterie hanging around him, unlike around Laloo Prasad Yadav or Karunanidhi or Yediyurappa. The Brookings report then steps in by showing Modi to be a keen student of American politics, wondering whether Indian states can have the sort of freedom states in the United States do. He is entrepreneurly, eco-friendly, and all in all, a global man awaiting his time, open to World Bank reforms and yet a home-grown nationalist. Modi is also presented not just as prime ministerial material but as the Indian answer to China, a note that will play deep into the American and Indian psyche, presenting them a streamlined politician for the future.

The question one is asking is not whether Modi is a future prime minister. The logic of Indian electoral politics will answer that. The question is: Where does Modi fit into a vision of decent society in which the minorities and those in the margins have a place, in which dissent has a place? Is Modi’s future a participative future and a pluralistic one? His technocratic credentials are not in doubt, but his vision of democracy needs to be examined. Oddly, Modi might fail by the norms set by his own hero, Swami Vivekananda. Modi has failed to provide a civilisational answer to the crisis of Gujarat. Investment and development, even with the distorted statistics bandied around, are poor substitutes for such a vision. In Americanising him, the reports reveal the modernist flaw deep within his programme.


(The authors are trustees of Citizens for Justice and Peace) in the Outlook,Magazine

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