#India- Open letter to all MPs from North East India #Vaw #Womenrights


OPEN LETTER TO ALL THE MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT FROM NORTHEAST INDIAN STATES TO BRING IMMEDIATE JUSTICE FOR REIGPHAMY AWUNSHI & OTHER VICTIMS FROM THE NORTHEAST INDIA…

To: Inner and Outer constituency MP of Manipur.
CC: Home Minister; MPs of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim.

Subject: Bring immediate justice to Reigphamy Awunshi and other victims from the NorthEast India.

Respected Sir/ Madam,

We the undersigned would like to bring to your attention some very serious concerns relating to recent tragic death of Reigphamy Awunshi.

We strongly believe that the circumstances that lead to the death of the beautiful daughter of Ukhrul and many insensitive and humiliating incidences following the death are a result of many attitudes and attributes that has been formed through the years.

Sir/ Madam, it is great pain to that many of her loving friends and well wishers have to fight to even register a FIR. Worse is the investigating police officer had total disregard and disrespect even for the death that we were told that we are spa working people and it was reason for such incidences of ‘death’ happens.

We wonder how in the face of such attitude which has strong humiliating and degrading attitude towards the people of NorthEast India, Reignphamy Awungshi can even have a unbiased investigation leave alone justice.

Many of us believe there are very strong evidences of homicidal signs and even possibility of sexual assault leading to the death.

Sir/ Madam, we believe one of most important factor that have lead to these ever increasing of negative attitude towards us, that even disrespect us in death is the absence of voices and solidarity of our own people.

We are deeply hurt and angry that our leaders seem to have left us and ignored us during such challenging and tragic times especially aggravated by a biased investigation and non-coverage by the many institution because of our racial origin.

We wish to request you to please exercise your full responsibility and power bestowed by the people who have elected yourself as leaders and make strong initiatives and actions to bring about justice to Reigamphy Awangshi and take punitive actions against those officials and professionals who have made skewed opinions and decision heavily affected by our racial origin.

We would like you to please take notice of the continuing coverage or wilfully undercoveraged in the national media of many such tragic incidences involving people from our north eastern region, which we believe is because of racial prejudice.

We would like to summarise to please share your words of condolences and help Awungshi and help prevent the fate that poor Awungshi have to experience even in death.

We urge to acknowledge the presence of the dangerous racial stereotyping and prejudice that have not only dehumanise and degraded the life of many but also cause many physical and emotional trauma and even have lead to death.

We would be very grateful to you if you Sir/ Madam could exercise your responsibility and power and held those heinous people accountable and herald a new glorious moment in the history of humanity of Manipur and in NorthEast India in general.

Members of Parliament should make significant steps to bring immediate justice to many victims like Reingamphy awungshi and seriously deal with prejudice that have allowed these crimes to happened and then become a huge obstacles towards justice including even toward registering a FIR and manipulation of forensic study.

Thanking you,

A Justice4Richard Initiative

 

51 children including from Manipur-Nagaland rescued from Jaipur


March 14, 2013 by Imphal Free Press | 

DIMAPUR, Mar 14 (NNN): Young girls and boys including minors from Manipur and Nagaland have been rescued by Tangkhul Shanao Long, Delhi (Tangkhul Women Union-Delhi) on March 12 from two children`s homes in Jaipur.

Out of the 29 girls and 22 boys rescued,  22 girls are from Manipur and 3 from Nagaland. Regarding the boys, 7 are from Manipur and 4 are from Nagaland. They are from the age group of 5 to 14.

On Tuesday, the Tangkhul Women Union (TSL-D) on learning about the information raided both the children`s homes called Grace Home along with  a team led by the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights, Rajasthan with seven members of TSLD, social workers and activists and media persons.

Both the ‘Grace Home’ were illegally run by one Jacob John, flouting every norm and guideline laid by the Child Welfare Committee. He was arrested under the Indian Penal Code section 344,366 and 370(5) and Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 section 23 and 28. TSLD was informed about the existence of this Home by a former inmate. TSLD then got in touch with the concerned authorities in Jaipur, according to TSL-D.

The Tangkhul Women Union said the condition in which it existed was shocking. In the girl’s home the children shared a single room with no female warden or caretaker and no helper either. All the domestic work was done by them. They informed the team that they were not allowed to make phone calls to their parents and families. When rarely allowed to do so, someone would be present to ensure that they do not report to their family about how they live and were being treated, the TSL-D added.

When some of the team members tried to talk the younger ones could respond only in Hindi. They had forgotten their mother tongue, the TSL-D narrated.

According to TSL-D, the team also found about 600 bottles of liquor and rotting vegetables lying in the kitchen and the toilets broken, indicating how the girls were made to live in such inhuman conditions. Of the 29 girls rescued, 22 are from Manipur, 3 from Nagaland and the remaining from Jharkhand. Among the boys 7 were from Manipur, 4 from Nagaland and the rest from Punjab and Chattisgarh. The children were promised free education, food and shelter but they never went to a school.

“TSL-D would like to state that Human Trafficking is a serious concern and would like to appeal to all parents and guardians to be cautious and verify the credibility of such Homes before sending their children. Taking advantage of economic vulnerabilities they lure people, promising jobs, free education, training and care. Very often the “traffickers” are family members or someone known. TSL-D is concerned about the personal and psychological toll it will have on the children and how slowly it will impact the society. TSL-D would also like to call upon every citizen and social organization to spread awareness and educate the people of this increasing trend. Human trafficking robs human dignity and conscience and it must be stopped!,” the Tangkhul Shanao Long-Delhi expressed.

 

Delhi govt cover for 29 facing criminal cases #wakeup #WTFnews


By, TNN | Mar 14, 2013,

Delhi govt cover for 29 facing criminal cases
Over 4,300 personnel drawn from Delhi Police (2,546), CRPF (686), Rajasthan Armed Constabulary (558), Meghalaya Police (171), ITBP (132), Nagaland Armed Police (98), Sikkim Police (86) and CISF (27) have been deployed to protect 436 individuals, none of them a constitutional functionary.
NEW DELHI: Every month, the Delhi government spends Rs 20 crore of taxpayers’ money to provide security to 436 persons, who do not hold any constitutional post and 29 of whom face criminal case, the Supreme Court was informed on Wednesday. The annual tab comes to Rs 240 crore.

As against this, the government spends just a little over Rs 3 crore a month to protect the President and Rashtrapati BhawanThe bill for providing security to holders of constitutional posts, including the President, Vice-President, PM, Lok Sabha Speaker and Chief Justice of India, comes to Rs 341 crore a year or over Rs 28 crore a month.

An affidavit filed by the Delhi government revealed that 44 personnel have been deployed to provide security to “children and other family members/relatives of public functionaries”.

Additional solicitor general Siddharth Luthra might find it a tad difficult, when he appears for the Delhi government, to explain to the court why “Delhi Police has provided security to 29 individuals (23 central protectees and 6 local protectees) who are facing criminal charges at state expenses”.

Over 4,300 personnel drawn from Delhi Police (2,546), Central Reserve Police Force (686), Rajasthan Armed Constabulary (558), Meghalaya Police (171), Indo-Tibetan Border Police (132), NagalandArmed Police (98), Sikkim Police (86) and Central Industrial Security Force (27) have been deployed to protect 436 individuals, none of them a constitutional functionary.

Though the Delhi government said it had not provided security to any private individuals in lieu of payments made by them, it added: “89 individuals, including those holding public office and who have demitted office, have been provided security at the cost of public exchequer.”

It also provided in sealed cover the security arrangements for the protection of home minister, former prime ministers, Sonia Gandhi and her immediate family members who have been provided Special Protection Group (SPG) cover as also former deputy Prime Minister L K Advani.

 

Assam court moved over woman activist’s disappearance #Vaw


By IANS – GUWAHATI

20th February 2013

  • Two Assam-based NGOs have approached the Gauhati High Court seeking details of the
    Two Assam-based NGOs have approached the Gauhati High Court seeking details of the “disappearance” of a woman rights activist. PTI file photo

Two Assam-based NGOs have approached the Gauhati High Court seeking details of the “disappearance” of a woman rights activist, about whom police claimed that she has joined banned militant outfit ULFA.

Women in Governance (Wing-India) and Women Alliance for Violence Against Women (WAVAW) filed a habeas corpus petition in the court seeking the details Majoni Das, 30, and also asked the United Liberation Front of Asom to make it clear whether Majoni has joined the outfit.

The NGOs claimed Majoni Das’s “disappearance” was one of the many cases of “forced disappearances” that take place in the northeast region.

They demanded the police to step up investigation about the whereabouts of Majoni and disclose the facts.

The woman, a teacher and a rights activist hailing from Demow in Sivasagar district of Assam, left her home to meet the superintendent of police (SP) of Sivasagar district on Feb 10. She was summoned by the police chief. Majoni has remained untraced since then.

“When the family members approached the police the next day, the police informed them that Majoni had joined the ULFA and that she had left for Nagaland,” Bondita Acharya of the Wing-India told reporters here.

The police chief also informed the media the same day that Majoni had joined the militant outfit and circulated her photographs to the media.

“The SP of the district also asked the family members of Majoni Das to go to Nagaland and bring her back. The police claimed that they had proof that Majoni had joined the outfit,” said Acharya while pointing out to the mental harassment on the family members.

“We don’t think that Majoni has joined the outfit. She left home to meet the SP and went missing since then. How can the police ask us to go to Nagaland and find out my sister? Is it not the duty of the police to find out Majoni after we lodged a missing person complaint?,” asked Majoni’s sister, Bharati Hazarika.

“When we approached the police seeking the details of Majoni, the police refused to divulge any details to us,” said Acharya while adding that the NGOs have filed a habeas corpus petition in the Gauhati High court seeking the details of Majoni.

“Police have also refused to inform us as to why Majoni was summoned by the SP. The police claimed that they are aware that Majoni will join the militant outfit and leave for its camps in Myanmar through Nagaland – in that case, was it not the duty of the police to stop her from joining the outfit?” said Acharya.

“The family is worried as they about 10 years back lost their son Diganta Das in a similar mysterious disappearance case. The question arises whether police are responsible for the sudden disappearance of Majoni or was it her choice?” she said

 

IMMEDIATE RELEASE – Missing Mystery of Majoni Das #AFSPA


 

PRESS RELEASE

MISSING MYSTERY OF MAJONI DAS

Organized by Women in Governance (WinG)-India, Women Alliance on Violence Against Women and Family members of Majoni Das

20th February 2013 at Gauri Sadan, Guwahati

We will not allow Majoni to be the next in the list of   those disappeared from custody mysteriously in this region. The family members have the right to know the whereabouts  and safety of their daughter. The Police should provide the information.  – Bondita Acharya , WinG-India

Guwahati Feb. 20, 2013 Enforced disappearances have been a very severe and a common human rights issue especially in North East India. The special powers entrusted upon the armed police and Police administration either by AFSPA or other draconian laws like UAPA has led to severe violation of human rights  of common people resulting into disappearances, extrajudicial killings, mental harassment, rape as well as sexual assault.

Majoni Das, a woman activist, teacher, writer from Sibsagar has been a victim of enforced disappearance in suspicion of having links with insurgent groups. Majoni Das, D/O Mr. Dimbeswar Das aged 30 was an active member women movement Nari Adhikar Suraksha Samiti (NASS) and also involved with fortnightly news paper namely AMI. Due to the poor financial condition of the family she was working with Purva Bharati Educational Trust, Jorhat for last 13 months as a warden of the hostel run by Purva Bharati Educational Trust, Jorhat Assam. On 6th February 2013 she went to her parent’s home at Demow, Sibsagar district, Assam to attend some family function. When she reached home local police sent messages to her several times to come over to Sibsagar SP office. She informed her colleagues about the calls and sounded very worried and tensed. On 8th February Pritam Das police officer of Nitai Pukhuri outpost along with a lady police officer came to their house to detain her. At that time she was not at home and then they left a message for her to come over to SP office in Sibsagar. On 9pm at that night she informed two of her neighbors that she would visit the SP office the next day. On 10th February morning around 9 am she left home to meet SP of Sibsagar district and since then she is missing.

 

Later FIR was filed in Jorhat PS by the Purva Bharati Educational Trust and in Demow PS by family members. Meanwhile the family and hostel authority made several visits to the SP office in Sivsagar requesting police to trace Majoni. SP informed that Majoni has joined the underground armed group United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and left for Nagaland. Police also instructed the father of Majoni to visit Nagaland and trace her.

 

Police is not revealing any information about her; the reason why police wanted her to report to the SP office is not clear and they are giving different sorts of answers which is making the case complex. Meanwhile in an attempt to gain public support, police reported the case to media branding the she has joined ULFA and left home on her way to Myanmar via Nagaland. Family is worried about her whereabouts as in several such missing cases earlier the missing person was found dead or involuntary disappeared.

 

The question arises whether Police administration is responsible for the sudden disappearance of Majoni Das or was it her choice? The answer is still a mystery. But whatever be the answer it should be backed by certain evidences which needs to be transparent to the family members.

 

We urge the following demands :

 

1.      Police should immediately disclose information on whereabouts of Majoni Das and         present her to the family members.

2.      Police should step up the investigation and provide updated information about the process of investigation.

3.      Put an immediate end to the continuous harassment of the family members by the police officials.

4.      Effective protection to the members of the family of Majoni Das.

5.      Immediate action against the senior police officials of the Sibsagar district for their negligence of duty to disclose the whereabouts of Majoni Das.

6.      Immediate action against the senior police officials of the Sibsagar district who pressurised the family members to talk to members of Underground Group and also to go to Mon district of Nagaland to trace Majoni Das.

7.      Ensure legal support to the family members for the case.

8.      Ensure the safety of all colleagues and associates of Majoni Das during the  follow up.

9.      Police (Superintendent of Police of Sibsagar District) should provide explanation for calling Majoni Das repeatedly to his office without proper notice.

10.  As Majoni Das belongs to SC community, the FIR should be changed under the provision of SC/ST PoA Act.

 

Bondita Acharya  and Anjuman Ara Begum ,  WinG-India Phone: 98643233379954082155

Bharati Hazarika , sister of  of Majoni Das-7896065140


 

 

 

Anjuman Ara Begum

Guwahati, Assam, India

Phone: +91-9954082155 (M)
Skype: anjumanarabegum

 

 

#India- An abomination called AFSPA #mustread


February 12, 2013, The Hindu 

SANJOY HAZARIKA

Mr. Chidambaram has sought to blame the Army for the failure to repeal the draconian Act but the government is equally guilty as it has abdicated responsibility in the matter

At an institute that is virtually owned, funded and run by the Ministry of Defence (MoD), Union Finance Minister P. Chidambaram did the unthinkable the other day. He virtually attacked the Army for refusing to review and amend the draconian Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), if not repeal it altogether.

Like a clever politician, he tossed the issue squarely into the lap of the Army and the MoD, saying they were unambiguously opposed to any change and that “you should ask the question to the armed forces and ask why are they so opposed to even some amendment to AFSPA which will make [it] more humanitarian. We have [the] Jeevan Reddy Committee report but yet if the Army takes a very strong stand against any dilution or any amendment to AFSPA, it is difficult for a civil government to move forward.”

This raises a startling issue about democracy, the rule of law and of civilian control over the military. Now that the most powerful figure in the Cabinet after the Prime Minister has spoken, perhaps someone will take notice. But the problem is far more complex than it appears to be.

After all, the Minister did not say why the Government of India has refused to publish the Reddy Committee’s report or even table it in Parliament eight years after it was submitted. It remains accessible on The Hindu’s website, the place where the report was first leaked and published verbatim in 2005.

It is not that the question is simple, stark and frightening: who runs the north-east or Jammu & Kashmir or any area that is affected by insurgency? AFSPA is put in place after the area has been declared “disturbed” under the Disturbed Areas Act, the enabling provision of law, which facilitates the summoning of the Army to the aid of civil authorities who are unable to control armed insurrection. This is the call of the State government or the Centre.

No prosecution in over 50 years

Passed in 1958 when the Naga movement for independence had just taken off, AFSPA is a bare law with just six sections. The most damning are those in the fourth and sixth sections: the former enables security forces to “fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death” where laws are being violated. The latter says no criminal prosecution will lie against any person who has taken action under this act. In 54 years, not a single army, or paramilitary officer or soldier has been prosecuted for murder, rape, destruction of property (including the burning of villages in the 1960s in Nagaland and Mizoram). In the discussions over the past days, no one has even mentioned the regrouping of villages in both places: villagers were forced to leave their homes at gunpoint, throw their belongings onto the back of a truck and move to a common site where they were herded together with strangers and formed new villages. It is a shameful and horrific history, which India knows little about and has cared even less for.

Impact of Verma report

A year ago, two judges of the Supreme Court, intervening in a case where the Central Bureau of Investigation was seeking to prosecute army officers accused of murdering five villagers in Jammu & Kashmir, in what is known as the Pathribal incident, declared clearly that AFSPA’s protection was limited to acts conducted in the line of duty.

“You go to a place in exercise of AFSPA, you commit rape, you commit murder, then where is the question of sanction? It is a normal crime which needs to be prosecuted, and that is our stand,” declared the bench of Justices Swatanter Kumar and B.S. Chauhan.

It’s simple: you don’t rape or murder “in the line of duty.” These are aberrations to the law of military conduct with civilians. And the Army is upset that the Justice J.S. Verma Committee even suggested that military men accused of sexual assault should be tried under normal law and not be protected by the law that guarantees absolute protection: Immunity.

A retired general came on a TV programme the other day and fumed that reviewing AFSPA was not the mandate of the Verma Committee. Sorry sir, you’ve got it completely wrong. The question of life and death in a “disturbed” area where, according to a case now before the Supreme Court 15,000 people (men, women and children) have disappeared from the killing fields of Manipur is everyone’s concern.

Army circles are worried that soldiers and officers will be dragged to civilian courts and that frivolous cases will be filed against them. This is a real matter of concern but it cannot be the rationale for blocking efforts to repeal or amend AFSPA. Come up with an alternative instead. But the MoD has not or is perhaps unable to do so. A former general even said publicly that 97 per cent of all cases against army men were found to be false. The question I will put is simple: how far back are you going? Do you forget those murdered, raped and tortured, their homes and granaries burned and their places of worship desecrated? Should these crimes go unpunished? Remember too that the Indian Air Force, in March 1966, bombed Aizawl and civilian targets in the Lushai Hills (now Mizoram) to repulse an insurgent attack that had almost overrun the district headquarters.

Many in Mizoram do not even talk about those days. They are simply spoken of as “the troubles” and no discussion takes place, such is the trauma that has been inflicted on people. And are we merely supposed to forget all this, to sweep it under the carpet and “move on”? Why should the victims continue to pay the price? Why not those who inflicted the devastation, who gave the orders and who carried them out?

Nagaland is peaceful now

We need to remember two points here about AFSPA and the place where it all began — Nagaland, in 1958. Nagaland today is peaceful. It is not free of intimidation, extortion or factional killings, but not a single Indian solider has fallen in combat here for the past five years. The State government has been asking, since 2005, for the removal of the Disturbed Areas Act. The Government of India refuses to listen.

What is the greater abomination then? Is it that the Army, which is easy to blame and always in the line of fire, is stuck in a thankless task? Or is it that the civilian government which first sent them there is unable to take the political decision that will bring the boys home? Fifty-four years is a long time to have a law as revoltingly brutal and obscure as AFSPA. Now, both sides are stuck. The army says it is like its “Bible” and that if the Act is removed it will face the prospect of fighting “with one hand tied.” The central government says that it can’t persuade the Army to back down.

What will it take to close this sad, ignominious and bloody chapter in our nation’s history? We will need to go beyond Mr. Chidambaram’s remarks — for what he was doing is to lay the blame at the door of the Army. That is not right for the civilian government is equally complicit in this. He is seeking to show that the “civilian” government is opposed to a doctrinaire securitised approach and that the MoD and the Army are isolated. But this approach doesn’t work. Instead, it shows that the two, even when isolated, are more powerful than the rest of the government put together. They have, after all, successfully stalled any effort to dilute or amend the Act. Why did the “civilian” government not have the courage to act in 2005 when the Reddy Committee gave its report, which not only recommended AFSPA’s repeal but also proposed a legal mechanism by which the Army could be used in extraordinary situations involving national security? Our essential recommendation was that no one could be above the law; everyone must be equal before and under it.

Display statesmanship

The Centre has lost more than seven years in coming to no decision on the recommendations. Yes, internal wrangling is difficult to resolve but how long should anyone have to wait for a resolution? Today, the situation has become much more complex because the window of opportunity provided by the Reddy Committee has virtually closed. The Army has bolted it because it does not want to be seen as the villain of the piece. It did not ask to go anywhere. It was sent to Nagaland and Manipur. But now it must, in its own interests and that of the country, get out of places where threats to national security simply do not exist, and when the central government thinks it should leave. After all, if required, the security forces can always be summoned again.

The situation calls for statesmanship of a very high order. Atal Bihari Vajpayee showed this in 2003 on his maiden visit to Kohima when he reflected, as Prime Minister, on the suffering that both sides had faced and sought to reach out and seek reconciliation: “Let us leave behind all the unfortunate things that happened in the past. For too long this fair land has been scarred and seared by violence. It has been bled by the orgy of the killings of human beings by human beings… Each death diminishes us … The past cannot be rewritten. But we can write our common future with our collective, cooperative efforts.”

The present situation demands measures no less significant from the current Prime Minister, who decided that AFSPA must be reviewed. But he did not follow this up because the opposition from the Defence Ministry was just too strong.

So, we must ask, as we rest and wrestle with this tortuous story: how many more deaths, how many more naked protests, how many more hunger strikes, how many more committees, how many more editorials and articles and broadcasts before AFSPA goes?

(Sanjoy Hazarika is Director of the Centre for North East Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, and founder of the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research in the north-east. He was a member of the Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee to Review AFSPA.)

People of no fixed address #AAdhaar #UID #Nandanilekani


Are these people expected to return to their villages and hometowns to hang around waiting for the Unique Identification Authority of India to set up shop?
Sunil Sethi /  December 08, 2012, Buisness Standard
Workers returning to their jobs in metros from remote villages in Bihar and Jharkhand have lately been complaining that they are barred from boarding trains unless they show sufficient identification, including proof of residence in cities. Whether this is a run-up to the Aadhaar scheme for direct cash transfers launched by the government with fanfare, or an effort to check uncontrolled urban migration, is not clear. But the demand, alongside a sense of insecurity, among the vast unorganised labour force for some sort of pehchan patra (identity proof) is growing.
These are mostly people of no fixed address — workers on construction sites, in domestic employment or in small trade, people you encounter daily. Earlier this year, when the local residents’ welfare association ran a month-long and relatively well-organised Aadhaar enrolment camp, there were many such people in the queues for biometric tests. They were firmly weeded out for inadequate proof of tenure — no electricity bill, voting card or bank account. At the regional passport office applicants are similarly eliminated. Are these people expected to return to their villages and hometowns to hang around waiting for the Unique Identification Authority to set up shop? If Delhi alone records an in-migration of about 2.5 million every decade and an estimated 30 per cent of its inhabitants live in slums, it will be a long shot before they can lay their hands on pensions, education and healthcare benefits delivered in cash via Aadhaar cards.
In the old days, before Delhi achieved new levels of prosperity, the only recourse people of no fixed address had for finding an identity was the ration card, an entitlement of grain and sugar through the public distribution system. Ration cards were easy to fix for a small pay-off — but they enabled urban migrants to get on to electoral rolls, equally easy to penetrate through the good offices of political parties in search of vote banks. As a vote-catching ploy for 2014 the Aadhaar pilot scheme sounds good; as a reality it may be harder to get off the ground. Reports from some of the 51 districts earmarked for initial coverage confirm that many village clusters had never heard of a bank, so direct bank transfers of subsidies may be easier said than done.
I recently tried to help a person of no fixed address (though he held a bona fide voter’s card and driving licence) open a bank account. Despite my sifarish and assurance of a guaranteed minimum deposit, the manager asked for his PAN card. When I protested at the absurdity of such a demand, he scrutinised the pehchan patras in hand. Bewilderingly, the driving licence had been issued in Nagaland. How an applicant from district Darbhanga, unable to point out Nagaland on a map let alone having ever been there, acquired such a document was anybody’s guess. He failed to open an account and soon afterwards lost his job. Any migrant to a city will tell you that he doesn’t depend on banks to remit money home, but well-oiled alternate hawala networks.
Aadhaar could help change all that. Except the unique identity (UID) project hasn’t got round to addressing how it will track down India’s floating millions or, trickier still, several million non-Indians afloat in the country. Nearly a dozen states, from Uttarakhand to Arunachal Pradesh, share fairly porous borders with Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh with a largely unaccounted – and possibly unaccountable – population. How will they be discounted?
The prime minister hailed the Aadhaar project of direct cash handouts to the poor as a “pioneering initiative” and he’s right. Rooting hard for the scheme, Jairam Ramesh calls it a “game changer” and he’s wrong. As an electoral game it may be too late. And it will be later still before people of no fixed address can carry home the cash.

 

My Nagaland #Mustread


by Vibi Yhokha

“The single story creates stereotypes and the problem with stereotypes  is not that they are untrue but that they are incomplete, they make one story become the only story….Stories matter, many stories matter, stories have been used to dispossess and to malign but stories can also be used to empower and to humanize, stories can break the dignity of a people but stories can also repair that broken dignity…..”

– Chimamanda Adichie Ngozi, The Danger of a Single Story

People, especially mainland Indians, have only a single story of Nagaland. No, in fact they have different single stories. They associate the Nagas with headhunting, Hornbill festival, Rock music, fashion and yes, Conflict. Nagaland the land of myths, where life is one long festival but is also a place where life is one long, long war….

Image

 

Read more here http://chaikadai.wordpress.com/2012/08/24/my-nagaland/

  

 

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