Chattisgarh- After Maoist Attack , Police dismantle big camp in Sukma


RAIPUR, May 30, 2013

Suvojit Bagchi, The Hindu 

Within 72 hours of Saturday night’s devastating Maoist strike, Chhattisgarh police have removed one of their biggest camps from Minapa in Sukma district, located deep inside the forest, possibly fearing another attack. File photo

PTI Within 72 hours of Saturday night’s devastating Maoist strike, Chhattisgarh police have removed one of their biggest camps from Minapa in Sukma district, located deep inside the forest, possibly fearing another attack. File photo
SLIDESHOW

A Congress convoy, returning from the party’s Parivartan Yatra (transformation rally), on May 25, 2013 was waylaid near Darbha forest in Jagdalpur. At least 16 people were killed and 25 others were injured. Picture shows view outside the hospital in Raipur.

 

Questions surface about the wisdom of setting it up

Within 72 hours of Saturday night’s devastating Maoist strike, Chhattisgarh police have removed one of their biggest camps, from Minapa in Sukma district, located deep inside the forest, possibly fearing another attack. The camp was removed lock, stock, and barrel on Tuesday, 15 days after it was set up. Reportedly, it housed a thousand personnel.

Till last week, police officers were talking about the camp as a major strategic advance in the direction of the Andhra Pradesh border. But repeated firing by rebels on the camp had clearly put the police on the back foot.

Constables and junior officers on the ground believe that the Minapa camp, 50 km south of Sukma, had a vital link to the Darbha attack on Saturday, which saw the death of 27 Congress workers and leaders. “All attention was focussed on reaching supplies and facilities to Minapa,” said one officer.

Sources said the camp was a fine example of “horrendous planning.” It was set up even as the monsoon was approaching. “The camp should have been set up in October or November, so that it would have been well-established by the time the monsoon arrived,” said a constable.

The camp lacked even basic facilities such as toilets. There were no shade-trees to give cover — from rain, heat or stray firing. Personnel were spending their nights virtually in the open in an area largely controlled by Maoists.

Some constables told The Hindu that casualties were growing. “They went out to defecate and got shot. One died of bullet injuries and another got shot. One died of snake bite; there was no anti-venom available,” said one of them.

Constables alleged they were virtually left in the jungle to rot and die. “We were left in an open space, in the forest, in temperatures above 47 degrees, and told to set up facilities, to defend ourselves and go on the offensive. This was absurd,” said one.

Moreover, some of them were brought from the plains of Chhattisgarh. They had limited knowledge of the terrain and often suffered from dehydration. One officer said the camp was intended to be in place only for 15 to 20 days. “It was an experiment carried out to place an additional camp in the Maoist hotbed for two weeks during the Tactical Counter Offensive Campaign (TCOC) of the Maoists, so that we can engage them while they are busy planning,” he said. But the Maoist TCOC continues.

Director General of Police Ram Niwas defended the camp project. “We clearly achieved what we wanted to achieve. The Maoists were pushed back [during the TCOC],” he said.

Mr. Niwas was not ready to accept the views put forward by the constables. “There are officers with decades of experience who designed the plan and worked on it, and we achieved our target. If constables start finalising plans, how are we going to operate?”

 

Yellow Oscar for Indian film at Uranium Film Festival


A documentary on the people displaced by the coming up of Tarapur Atomic Power Station, India‘s first nuclear plant near Mumbai, has bagged the Yellow Oscar at the Uranium Film Festival in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

The 27-minute documentary, titled “High Power”, was the maiden directorial venture of Pradeep Indulkar, an anti-nuclear activist from Ratnagiri, coastal Maharashtra.

“My documentary received unprecedented response at the festival and was screened several times, besides special screening in Rio de Janeiro colleges. The issue tackled in it is true for almost all the nuclear plants and the truths they leave behind,” Indulkar told IANS from Brazil.

Chandrasen Arekar, a displaced farmer from Tarapur, Thane district, received the award to a thundering ovation, from the chief guest, Junko Watanabe, the last survivor of Hiroshima nuclear holocaust during World War II.

In his acceptance speech, Indulkar said that apart from all the sorrows and distress highlighted by the documentary, the Yellow Oscar was a golden moment in his life as a filmmaker.

“I accept this award on behalf of all nuclear project affected people of Tarapur and I dedicate it to all those farmers and fishermen who lost their land, home and livelihood for the nuclear power plant,” Indulkar said at the awards ceremony Sunday night in the Brazilian capital.

Incidentally, Indulkar is among the leading personalities opposing the proposed 9,900 MW Jaitapur Nuclear Power Plant coming up with French collaboration in Ratnagiri.

Bouyed by the response to the documentary, Indulkar has submitted it for several international film festivals including India-Japan Film Fest in Japan, a film festival in Stuttgart, Germany and later at the Mumbai International Film Festival.

About the release of the documentary in India, Indulkar said the Indian censors have restricted the movie release only through DVD.

source-  http://www.beyondnuclear.org

Date

 

1 Black Man Is Killed Every 28 Hours by Police or Vigilantes in USA #Racism #WTFnews


How America Is Perpetually at War With Its Own People

From the war on drugs to the war on terror, law enforcement’s battle against minorities serves as pacification.

Photo Credit: Shutterstock.com/Eugene Ivanov

May 28, 2013  |
 Police officers, security guards, or self-appointed vigilantes extrajudicially killed at least 313 African-Americans in 2012 according to a recent study. This means a black person was killed by a security officer every 28 hours. The report notes that it’s possible that the real number could be much higher.

The report, entitled “Operation Ghetto Storm”, was performed by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, an antiracist grassroots activist organization. The organization has chapters in Atlanta, Detroit, Fort Worth-Dallas, Jackson, New Orleans, New York City, Oakland, and Washington, D.C. It has a history of organizing campaigns against police brutality and state repression in black and brown communities. Their study’s sources included police and media reports along with other publicly available information. Last year, the organization published a similar study showing that a black person is killed by security forces every 36 hours. However, this study did not tell the whole story, as it only looked at shootings from January to June 2012. Their latest study is an update of this.

These killings come on top of other forms of oppression black people face. Mass incarceration ofnonwhites is one of them. While African-Americans constitute 13.1% of the nation’s population, they make up nearly 40% of the prison population. Even though African-Americans use or sell drugs about the same rate as whites, they are 2.8 to 5.5 times more likely to be arrested for drugs than whites. Black offenders also receive longer sentences compared to whites. Most offenders are in prison for nonviolent drug offenses.

“Operation Ghetto Storm” explains why such killings occur so often. Current practices of institutional racism have roots in the enslavement of black Africans, whose labor was exploited to build the American capitalist economy, and the genocide of Native Americans. The report points out that in order to maintain the systems of racism, colonialism, and capitalist exploitation, the United States maintains a network of “repressive enforcement structures”. These structures include the police, FBI, Homeland Security, CIA, Secret Service, prisons, and private security companies, along with mass surveillance and mass incarceration.

The Malcolm X Grassroots Movement is not the only group challenging police violence against African-Americans. The Stop Mass Incarceration Network has been challenging the policy of stop-and-frisk in New York City, in which police officers randomly stop and search individuals for weapons or contraband. African-American and Latino men are disproportionately stopped and harassed by police officers. Most of those stopped (close to 90%) are innocent, according to the New York Civil Liberties Union. Stop Mass Incarceration also organizes against the War on Drugs and inhumane treatment of prisoners.

Along with the rate of extrajudicial killings, the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement report contains other important findings. Of the 313 killed, 124 (40%) were between 22 and 31 years old, 57 (18%) were between 18 and 21 years old, 54 (17%) were between 32 and 41 years old, 32 (10%) were 42 to 51 years old, 25 (8%) were children younger than 18 years old, 18 (6%) were older than 52, and 3 (1%) were of unknown ages.

A significant portion of those killed, 68 people or 22%, suffered from mental health issues and/or were self-medicated. The study says that “[m]any of them might be alive today if community members trained and committed to humane crisis intervention and mental health treatment had been called, rather than the police.”

43% of the shootings occurred after an incident of racial profiling. This means police saw a person who looked or behaved “suspiciously” largely because of their skin color and attempted to detain the suspect before killing them. Other times, the shootings occurred during a criminal investigation (24%), after 9-1-1 calls from “emotionally disturbed loved ones” (19%) or because of domestic violence (7%), or innocent people were killed for no reason (7%).

Most of the people killed were not armed. According to the report, 136 people or 44%, had no weapon at all the time they were killed by police officers. Another 27% were deaths in which police claimed the suspect had a gun but there was no corroboration to prove this. In addition, 6 people (2%) were alleged to have possessed knives or similar tools. Those who did, in fact, possess guns or knives were 20% (62 people) and 7% (23 people) of the study, respectively.

The report digs into how police justify their shootings. Most police officers, security guards, or vigilantes who extrajudicially killed black people, about 47% (146 of 313), claimed they “felt threatened”, “feared for their life”, or “were forced to shoot to protect themselves or others”. George Zimmerman, the armed self-appointed neighborhood watchman who killed Trayvon Martin last year, claimed exactly this to justify shooting Martin. Other justifications include suspects fleeing (14%), allegedly driving cars toward officers, allegedly reaching for waistbands or lunging, or allegedly pointing a gun at an officer. Only 13% or 42 people fired a weapon “before or during the officer’s arrival”.

Police recruitment, training, policies, and overall racism within society conditions police (and many other people) to assume black people are violent to begin with. This leads to police overacting in situations involving African-American suspects. It also explains why so many police claimed the black suspect “looked suspicious” or “thought they had a gun”. Johannes Mehserle, the white BART police officer who shot and killed 22-year-old Oscar Grant in January 2009, claimed Grant had a gun, even though Grant was subdued to the ground by other officers.

Of the 313 killings, the report found that 275 of them or 88% were cases of excessive force. Only 8% were not considered excessive as they involved cases where suspects shot at, wounded, or killed a police and/or others. Additionally, 4% were situations were the facts surrounding the killing were “unclear or sparsely reported”. The vast majority of the time, police officers, security guards, or armed vigilantes who extrajudicially kill black people escape accountability.

***

Over the past 70 years, the “repressive enforcement structures” described in the report have been used to “wage a grand strategy of ‘domestic’ pacification” to maintain the system through endless “containment campaigns” amounting to “perpetual war”. According to the report, this perpetual war has been called multiple names — the “Cold War”, COINTELPRO, the “War on Drugs, the “War on Gangs”, the “War on Crimes”, and now the “War on Terrorism”. This pacification strategy is designed to subjugate oppressed populations and stifle political resistance. In other words, they are wars against domestic marginalized groups. “Extrajudicial killings”, says the report, “are clearly an indispensable tool in the United States government’s pacification pursuits.” It attributes the preponderance of these killings to institutionalized racism and policies within police departments.

Paramilitary police units, known as SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics) teams, developed in order to quell black riots in major cities, such as Los Angeles and Detroit, during the 1960s and ’70s. SWAT teams had major shootouts with militant black and left-wing groups, such as the Black Panther Party and Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA) in 1969 and 1974, respectively. SWAT teams were only used for high-risk situations, until the War on Drugs began in the 1980s. Now they’re used in raids — a common military tactic — of suspected drug or non-drug offenders’ homes.

The War on Drugs, first declared by President Richard Nixon in 1971, was largely a product of U.S. covert operations. Anti-communist counter-revolutionaries, known as the “Contras”, were trained, funded, and largely created by the CIA to overthrow the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua during the 1980s. However, the CIA’s funding was not enough. Desperate for money, the Contras needed other funding sources to fight their war against the Sandinistas. The additional dollars came from the drug trade. The late investigative journalist Gary Webb, in 1996, wrote a lengthy series of articles for the San Jose Mercury News, entitled “Dark Alliance”, detailing how the Contras smuggled cocaine from South America to California’s inner cities and used the profits to fund their fight against the Sandinista government. The CIA knew about this but turned a blind eye. The report received a lot of controversy, criticism, and tarnishing of Webb’s journalistic career, which would lead him to commit suicide in 2004. However, subsequent reports from Congressional hearings and other journalists corroborated Webb’s findings.

Moreover, major banks, such as Wachovia (now part of Wells Fargo) and HSBC have laundered money for drug dealers. Therefore, the very threat that the Drug War claims to eliminate is perpetuated more by the National Security State and Wall Street than by low-level street dealers. But rather than go after thebigger fish, the United States has used the pretext of the “war on drugs” to implement draconian police tactics on marginalized groups, particularly poor black communities.

In 1981, President Ronald Reagan passed the Military Cooperation with Civilian Law Enforcement Agencies Act, which provided civilian police agencies equipment, training, and advising from the military, along with access to military research and facilities. This weakened the line between the military and civilian law enforcement established by the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, a Reconstruction-era law forbidding military personnel from enforcing domestic laws. Five years later, in 1986, Reagan issuedNational Security Decision Directive 221, which declared drug trafficking a national security threat to the United States. This militarized the U.S. approach to drugs and overall policing. Additionally, the global war on terror and growth of the National Security State expanded this militarization of domestic police under the guise of “fighting terrorism”.

The adoption of military tactics, equipment, training, and weapons leads to law enforcement adopting a war-like mentality. They come to view themselves as soldiers fighting against a foreign enemy rather police protecting a community. Nick Pastore, a former Police Chief of New Haven, Connecticut from 1990 to 1997, turned down military equipment that was offered to him. “I turned it all down, because it feeds a mind-set that you’re not a police officer serving a community, you’re a soldier at war,” he told the New York Times. He said “tough-guy cops” in his department pushed for “bigger and more hardware” and “used to say, ‘It’s a war out there.'” Pastore added, “If you think everyone who uses drugs is the enemy, then you’re more likely to declare war on the people.” Mix this war-like mentality with already existing societal anti-black racism and the result is deadly. Black people, who, by default, are assumed to be criminals because of their skin color, become the victims of routine police violence.

The fact that a black person is killed by a police officer, security guard, or vigilante every 28 hours (or less) is no random act of nature. It is the inevitable result of institutional racism and militaristic tactics and thinking within America’s domestic security apparatus.

 

Adam Hudson is a journalist, writer, and photographer.

 

No Coca Cola Plant Clearing Forests – Villagers in Uttarakhand


murder

Another Chipko movement to save the forest may well be on the horizon. Uttarakhand government has promised Coca Cola 60 acres of forest land to set up a Rs. 600 crore plant in Charba after getting environmental clearance from a committee. Thousands of villagers from 15 Panchayats gathered in Charba to protest the plan to clear the forests. The community forests, according to the villagers, have been planted and nurtured by them for three decades. These forests have boosted the water sources of the region, and once the forests are gone, the water sources will dry up, Charba gram pradhan Rumiram Jaswal has said. The farmer population of the village are hence against the project which will create drought-like conditions. The protesters plan to launch a tree hugging movement, taking a cue from the famous Chipko movement.

BJP national secretary Trivendra Singh Rawat and State general secretary Prakash Pant and other party workers came to the village to support the villagers against the project in getting which the Congress chief minister Vijay Bahuguna played a key role, but the protesting villagers did not allow them on the dais, saying that they would not allow political parties to hijack their movement.

Allegations of environmental abuse is not news for Coca Cola. Many areas near Coca Cola bottling plants experience severe water shortage. With the forests gone and the plant in, the water crisis fears among the villagers are absolutely legitimate. Coca Cola plant’s drawing up of groundwater without concern for the ecosystem has caused drying up of wells and no water in water pumps. The plant activities cause groundwater pollution. The waste from the plant causes pollution where it is dumped and where it washes to, including rivers like the Ganges. In Plachimada and Mehdiganj, Coca Colawas found selling its plant waste as ‘fertilizer’ in which toxic substances like lead and cadmium were found. The drinks are also high on pesticides, due to which they are banned in the Parliament of India cafeteria.

In a society where a large number of people are dependent on agriculture, and the extensive use of chemical pesticides, fertilizers and GMO seeds which require high water input has been promoted through the Green Revolution and other government and private efforts, water shortage in a region can spark a low agricultural output crisis which can trigger other kinds of crises including that of employment and over-migration. And of course, there is the pollution and all that comes with it. In short, a Coca Cola plant can bring nightmarish conditions to an area. The list of resistance against CocaCola plants is pretty long. Some of the well known ones are Kala Dera(Rajasthan), Plachimada(Kerala), Mehdiganj (Uttar Pradesh).

 

NRHM -Removal of conditionalities for institutional deliveries underJanani Suraksha Yogana #Womenrights #Goodnews


Access the G.O. No. Z.14018/1/2012- JSY  relating to Removal of conditionalities associated with parity and minimum age of mother for institutional deliveries in High Performing States and for home deliveries in all the States/UTs under Janani Suraksha Yojana 

 

English: National Rural Health Mission of India

 

 

 

No. Z.14018/1/2012-JSY
Government of India
Ministry of Health & Family Welfare
(JSY Section)
Nirman Bhawan, New Delhi
Dated: 13.05.2013
To,
The Mission Director-NRHM,
All States/UTs
Subject: Removal of conditionalities associated with parity and minimum age of mother
for institutional deliveries in High Performing States and for home deliveries in
all the States/UTs under Janani Suraksha Yojana-Approval of Mission Steering
Group (MSG) –in continuation of letter dated 8.5.2013 regarding
Madam/Sir,
As you are aware, Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) is under implementation
throughout the country since 2005. The scheme encourages institutional delivery
among pregnant women by providing conditional cash assistance. In Low Performing
States, the financial assistance for institutional delivery is available to all pregnant
women regardless of age and parity who give birth in a government or private
accredited health facility. However, in High Performing States, financial assistance for
institutional delivery has only been available to women from BPL/SC/ST households,
aged 19 years or above and upto two live births for giving birth in a government or
private accredited health facility. Further, in all the States/UTs, the scheme provides Rs.
500/- to BPL women, aged 19 years or above and upto two live births, who prefer to
deliver at home.
Despite the fact that Janani Suraksha Yojana has contributed in increasing the
institutional deliveries in the public health facilities, recent evaluation conducted by
National Health Systems Resource Centre (NHSRC) and study report on Maternity
Protection in India by Ministry of Labour and Employment/International Labour
Organization noted with concern that JSY excludes a significant proportion of women by
virtue of exclusion criteria/ conditionalities of minimum age of mother and parity. These
women who are excluded include adolescents below the age of 19 years and
multiparous women who are at higher risk of maternal and perinatal outcomes.
Considering the above, a proposal to remove conditionalities associated with
minimum age of mother and parity was placed before Empowered Programme
Committee (EPC) which recommended the proposal for consideration of Mission
Steering Group (MSG) of National Rural Health Mission. The proposal has now been

approved by Hon’ble Health & Family Welfare Minister and Chairman of the Mission
Steering Group of NRHM as under:
 Removal of conditionalities associated with parity and minimum age of the
mother for institutional deliveries in the High Performing States.
 Removal of conditionalities associated with parity and minimum age of the
mother for home deliveries in all States/UTs.
In view of the recent decision approved by competent authority (mentioned
above) and the decisions of the competent authority taken at different times earlier,
comprehensive entitlements of beneficiaries covered and ASHA incentives, under
Janani Suraksha Yojana beyond 7th May 2013 are given below:

 

JSY

 

* Rs. 600/ per delivery in rural area includes Rs. 300 for antenatal component and Rs. 300 for
facilitating institutional delivery

 

** Rs. 400/ per delivery in urban area includes Rs. 200 for antenatal component and Rs. 200 for
facilitating institutional delivery

You are, therefore, €quesied to issue necessary instructions lo sll concem€d
field level officers lo ensu€ implementaiion of Janani Su€ksha Yojana in acmdance
with the abovo decision we.i 8.5,2013, the daie on which the decision has been
communicated (copy enclosed).
Yours sinceely,
Kr’t'(
(D.. Rak€sh Kumar)
Joint Secretary (RCH)

 

 

NRHM website at  http://www.nrhm.gov.in/images/pdf/programmes/jsy/imp-govt-orders/JSY_removal_of_conditionalities_13.5.13.pdf

 

 

 

 

 

Activist alleges Odisha govt trying to manipulate SC order on bauxite mining


 

Hindustan Times  Bhubaneswar, May 29, 2013

 
First Published: 18:42 IST(29/5/2013) | Last Updated: 18:45 IST(29/5/2013)
 
 

Lok Shakti Abhiyan president Prafulla Samantara on Wednesday alleged the Odisha government was attempting to subvert the recent order of the Supreme Court relating to holding gram sabhas for a decision on proposed bauxite mining in Niyamgiri hill for Vedanta Group’s plant and sought Odisha governor SC Jamir’s intervention in the matter.

The social activist, an intervener in the Orisha Mining Corporation versus Union ministry of environment and forest case in the apex court, warned: “As the third party in the case we will be forced to move the Supreme Court for initiating contempt proceedings unless the state government stops manipulating and subverting the order of the court.”

On April 18, the Supreme Court in its order asked the state government for holding gram sabha saying that the decision of gram sabhas of Kalahandi and Rayagada districts was crucial on the issue of whether mining should be allowed in the Niyamgiri hill – home to nearly 10,000 endangered Dangria Kondh tribals, portrayed in western media as Na’vi from Hollywood blockbuster Avatar.

On Monday the Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste department of Odisha government issued notice to the district collectors of Kalahandi and Rayagada to hold gram sabhas in 12 villages of both the districts and complete the process within three months as stipulated by the Supreme Court.   

Samantara however said the selection of just 12 villages was in contravention to the judgment of the Supreme Court, while there are more than 42 villages within 10 km range of the proposed bauxite mining project area. He said a letter from the Union ministry of environment and forest on May 2 clearly mentioned that the list of villages as prepared by the state government should be shared with the central ministry and made public through new advertisements for transparency so that corrections can be made in the list if any village was left out. 

“But the list prepared by the state government has not yet been made public and shared with all stake holders as required by the ministry’s direction,” Samantara said.

Odisha government’s MoU with Vedanta group in 2004 includes supply of 78 million tonnes of bauxite from Niyamgiri by the state owned OMC to Vedanta’s alumina refinery adjacent to the hill. OMC has not been able to mine the hill due to stiff protest from the tribals who revere the hill as their god ‘Niyamraja’ and problems in getting clearance from the Union ministry for environment and forest.

Denied clearance by the ministry in 2011, the OMC had moved the Supreme Court, while Vedanta had shut down its refinery on December 6 last year due to lack of bauxite.

 

 

A girl from northeast was found dead in Delhi, NO FIR even after 24 Hrs #Vaw #WTFnews


The Moral Trumpets of Delhi Police

Neha Dixit, May 30, 2013, Newsclick

Delhi police trips on misogyny and prejudice yet again in investigating the death of Reingamphy, a 21 year old girl from Northeast who was found dead in Delhi on May 29

Fresh mangoes were carefully laid on the kitchen slab next to the pressure cooker on the gas stove. The phone charger was still on. Shoes, all types, flip flops, ballerinas, slip-ons were neatly displayed on a small cane rack. This small cane rack, found in the households of all newcomers in Delhi, is symbolic of the aspirations and enthusiasm with which people flock to the national capital.

                                                                                                                           JOURNEY INTERRUPTED: Reingamphy’s clothes and toiletries stacked in a corner

Reingamphy, 21, was found dead in this two room ground floor flat in B Block, Chirag Dilli at 2 pm on May 29.

Yesterday, the police broke open the bolted door after Reingamphy did not respond to the repeated calls by her landlord. She was found lying on the bed with injuries on her face, nose and toes with the cell phone still in her hand.

Her cousins, who live in South extension, informed the Malviya Nagar Police station about the incident. It’s been over 24 hours and the police is yet to register an FIR. The investigating officer Dinesh Singh declared last evening, “Nature of wounds suggests that a portion of body may have been eaten up by rats. The mattress was on the floor and we have also found rat droppings in the adjoining flat. Prima facie it appears to be a case of suicide.”

The police’s assumption is based on the fact that empty wrappers of Spasmocip Plus (16 tablets) and Meftal-Spas (12 tablets) were found in the dustbin. These tablets are used for treating stomach cramps. Binalakshmi Nepram founder of the NGO, Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network informs, “We have been told by the SHO, Vijay Pal, that these girls from northeast work in spas and that’s why these incidents take place.” The SHO Vijay Pal also told Reingamphy’s cousins that the FIR will only be registered after the post mortem is conducted.

CUT SHORT: Bloodmarks on the floor of the room where Reingamphy was found dead

Reingamphy came to Dellhi from Ukhrul district in Manipur over a year back. Living on a monthly rent of Rs 7,000, she was indeed working at a spa in South Delhi till sometime back.

The police’s apathy and prejudice in Reingamphy’s death probe is a reminder of the murder of Ramchanpy Hongray’s murder around the same time in 2009. Incidentally, both of them belong to the same ethnic minority called the Tangkhul Naga tribe. Ramchanpy was found burnt to death in the kitchen of her Munirka house. Her stalker, Pushpam Sinha, was pursuing PHD in Wave Mechanics from IIT Delhi. When Ranchanpy opposed his sexual advances and threatened to complain to the police, Pushpam thrust her on the gas stove and burnt her to death. Says Bina Lakshmi, “Even before the post mortem was conducted in Ramchanpy’s case, the police declared it an accident claiming that the gas cylinder blasted while she was cooking which led to her death. They are trying to insinuate the same in Reingamphy’s case.”

Reingamphy’s parents, poor farmers in a remote village in Uhkrul district in Manipur Delhi have been informed about their daughter’s death but are too old to come down to Delhi. Her cousin, Thotriethan, who is currently following up with the police investigation proceedings says, “The main door was shut even when the back door of the house was open. The police have chosen to turn a blind eye to it.” Allegedly, the landlord’s brother-in-law was stalking her.

The SHO Vijay Pal and Investigating officer Dinesh Singh have refused to speak on the record. The post mortem is being conducted at AIIMS.

Reingamphy’s death is a bleeding cue. A cue for the misogynist, moralistic, prejudiced attitude of the police. Towards single women, those from the northeast and otherwise who are clubbed as ‘loose women’ who ‘deserve it.’ It is also an attempt to dissuade women from remote parts of the country to think of exploring another life in a big city. And most importantly, it is a telling tale of the brazenness with which the police violate laws by not even registering an FIR and say ‘they work in spas and that is why it happens.’

 

#India – Irked by dalit’s buffalo, man kills girl #Vaw #WTFnews


HISAR, TNN : Infuriated over a dalit’s buffalo rubbing its back against the wall of his house and dirtying it, a man allegedly drowned a 12-year-old girl in a pond at Banbhori village in Hisar district on Wednesday. The police registered a case of murder against the accused and arrested him.

According to the police complaint lodged by the girl’s grandfather, Ram Kumar, she was pushed into the pond by Rakesh Kumar alias Raka, a 24-year-old Jat.

“My granddaughter had gone to the pond where the buffalo was drinking water on Monday,” Ram Kumar said in the FIR. “Rakesh told her not to bring cattle near the pond or he would push her into the water.” Rakesh’s house is located on the way to the pond

According to DSP Barwala Jai Prakash, the complainant said his buffalo, which his granddaughter Munni took to the pond every evening, habitually rubbed its back against the wall of Rakesh’s house. On Wednesday, the animal instinctively repeated the act. When Rakesh saw the wall had been dirtied, he allegedly pushed Munni into the pond.

“When Munni did not return home till late evening, I told my neighbours about it and started searching for her,” Ram Kumar said. “When we reached the pond, we saw her body floating.”

“A case under Section 320 of the IPC and the SC/ST Act has been registered against the accused,” said Rahul Sharma, superintendent of police, Hisar. “Police teams have arrested the accused. They will produce him in court and demand his remand.”

Prakash said the police were recording the statements of the girl’s family and probing the matter.

Village sarpanch Chandi Ram claimed the two parties held a three-hour meeting on Thursday and struck a compromise. “The girl’s father will submit an affidavit to the police and the court regarding the compromise,” he said. “It seemed unlikely the youth had drowned the girl.”

 

 

Shehla Masood murder: Zaheda was insecure of Singh, claims witness #Vaw


May 31, 2013Indore: A prosecution witness in the RTI activist Shehla Masood murder case told the court in Indore on Friday that the main accused, Zaheda Parvez, had become ‘possessive’ about BJP MLA Dhruvnarayan Singh and resented Masood’s friendship with him.

Zaheda Parvez. PTI

Zaheda Parvez. PTI

Deposing before the special CBI court in Indore, Sanjay Gupta, a Bhopal-based industrialist and the BJP MLA’s friend, said that Zaheda always suspected the women who came in contact with Dhruvnarayan.

He further told the court that after the murder, Zaheda had a phone conversation with him. When he bemoaned Shehla’s death, she said, “One always pays for the bad deeds. As you sow, so shall you reap.”

According to the CBI, Zaheda had Shehla killed because she was jealous of the latter’s increasing closeness to the BJP MLA.

Shehla was shot dead outside her Bhopal residence on 16 August, 2011. Police have arrested five persons in the case including Zaheda Parvez.

Gupta also said that Dhruvnarayan had told him that Zaheda once had a fight with him when he had gone to Shehla’s residence.

According to Gupta, Dhruvnarayan had called him on 16 August, 2011 and gave him the news of murder.

Dhruvnarayan told him to pass on the message to Shehla’s father Sultan Masood that the MLA was at a temple and would go there later, Gupta said, adding that he passed on the message to Masood.

 

Soni Sori gets bail in one more case #Goodnews #Vaw


SUVOJIT BAGCHI, The Hindu , may 30, 2013

An activist protest demanding release of Soni Sori. She got a bail in one of hte eight cases on Thursday by a Chhattisgarh court. File photo
The HinduAn activist protest demanding release of Soni Sori. She got a bail in one of hte eight cases on Thursday by a Chhattisgarh court. File photo

There are close to 2,000 cases in which tribal people have been languishing in jail since two to seven years. Tribal schoolteacher Soni Sori has been granted bail by a court in one of the eight cases filed against her.

Tribal schoolteacher Soni Sori has been granted bail by a court in south Chhattisgarh in one of the eight cases filed against her.

She has already been acquitted in six cases, her lawyer K.K. Dubey told The Hindu.

A charge sheet was filed against Ms. Sori and others in December 2010 at the Bacheli court for allegedly torching vehicles in Nerli, near Dantewada.

Recently, she was awarded bail in the case.

“She could not be acquitted like in other cases as the witnesses did not appear,” said Mr. Dubey.

Earlier this month, Ms. Sori and her relative, activist-journalist Lingaram Kodopi, were acquitted in the Avdesh Gautam case.

They were accused of planning and executing an attack on a local Congress leader and contractor Avdesh Gautam in which two persons were killed. Thirteen other co-accused, including Congress leader Vijay Sodi, CPI leader Lala Ram Kunjam and a panchayat member of Dantewada, Sannuram Mandawi, were also acquitted and released for want of evidence by a Dantewada court.

The only case pending against Ms. Sori and Mr. Kodopi is the controversial Essar Steel case. They have been accused of arranging “protection money” on behalf of the company to Maoists. The main accused, D.V.C.S Verma, general manager at an Essar steel plant, and B.K. Lala, Essar contractor, were arrested for allegedly disbursing the money.

While Ms. Sori and Mr. Kodopi are in jail, like thousands of undertrial tribal people of south Chhattisgarh, Mr. Verma and Mr. Lala had been granted bail.

The charge sheet has been presented to Dantewada district and sessions judge Anita Dehariya. Charges will be framed by the court sometime in June.

“I hope after this bail and previous acquittal it will not be a problem to get a speedy trial and hopefully acquittal in all cases,” said Mr. Dubey.

While Ms. Sori and Mr. Kodopi’s cases were defended by a team of lawyers and monitored by the press, national and international rights groups, there are close to 2,000 cases in which tribal people have been languishing in jail since two to seven years.

“I once tried to put the number of cases together and it was over 600 only in the Dantewada court. It must have crossed 800 now,” said senior advocate Ashok Jain. Majority of these tribal people do not speak any other language than Gondi, have little or no money to pay a fee, have no national or international rights group to defend their cases and have been booked for allegedly participating in Naxal activities.

In private conversation, top bureaucrats, politicians and lawyers acknowledge that a majority of these cases do not merit a trial in higher courts. “This is a tragedy for a democracy,” said Mr. Jain.

In an interview to The Hindu earlier this week, Chief Minister Raman Singh acknowledged that a “huge number of cases” were pending in various district courts.

 

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