PRESS RELEASE- Under pressure Maharashtra government initiates dialogue with Medha Patkar and NAPM

Press Release

On the 7th day of Medha Patkar’s indefinite fast, slum dwellers in Mumbai barge in to Mantralaya

Demonstrations held in Bangalore, Delhi and other places in support of the struggle targetting Congress offices and Maharashtra government

Under pressure Maharashtra governemnt initiates dialogue with the Andolan

They can only demolish houses not our hopes and strength”

Mumbai, April 10 : Today is the sevnth day of the indefinite fast by Medha Patkar and Madhuri Shivkar in Khar Golibar, Mumbai. Early in the day basti dwellers and supporters in Mumbai entered the Mantralaya and raised slogans against the government, while the assembly was in progress. Later, by force they were moved by the Police to Azad Maidan, where the demonstrations continued all day. Medha ji’s is growing weaker every day but her health remained stable during the day.

In Delhi, many organisations, movements and individuals came together to protest the inaction by Maharashtra government and stood in solidarity with the struggle in Mumbai. Justice (Retd) Rajinder Sachar led the delegation and handed over a letter signed by Aruna Roy, Swami Agnivesh, Prashant Bhushan, Sumit Chakravarty, Sanjay parikh, Dayamani Barla, Chittaroopa Palit, K B saxena, Manoranjan Mohanty, Vimal Bhai, Rajendra Ravi and many others.

In Bangalore, members from different organisations and especially those from the Ejipura slum demolitions affected people gathered together and stormed in to the Karnataa State Congress office. They raised slogans against the Congress party and demanded that immediate action be taken by the Maharashtra government.


Support also came from Hussain Dalwai, Member of Parliament, Congress, who visited the fast site and extended his support and promised to take up the issue with Sonia Gandhi and the Central Govt. Shyam Sonar, Members of Swadhar, an NGO in Mumbai, Advocate Ghoge, Prakash Bendre, members of India Against Corruption and others kept visiting the fast site extending their support.

Later in the day, an emissary from Collector Office, came with a message from the Maharashtra government to initiate the process of dialogue. Andolan gave him the copy of the demand as below and showed its resolv to continue the struggle indifinitely on the site, unless and until, issues were resolved.

The first demolition in Golibar started in 2011. That was the time when Medha Tai Patkar went on an indefinite fast. After 2 years demolition started again for the SRA project developed by Shivalik Ventures. Residents are determiend to fight them, they say, “ Hamare sirf ghar tute hain… hosla abhi bhi buland hai” (they can only demolish houses not our hopes and strength). Children even udner duress have been writing their examination, the hope for a dignified life lives on in the struggle.

Prerna Gaikwad, Aba Tandel, Ajit Gavkhedkar, Jameel Bhai, Poonam Kanaujia, Sumit Wajale, Nasreen , Seela manswanee

Contact : 9892727063 | 9212587159 |

Demands of the Andolan are Following :

  1. The enquiry in respect of 6 S.R.A. Projects, under the chairmanship of Principal Secretary, Housing, is in progress since 13th January, 2013. We demand that the work in all these projects should be stopped un till the report of the enquiry is completed and actions taken on the recommendations.

  2. If demolitions are being carried out in accordance with court rulings but the preconditions put forth are not met, main issues and allegations of corruption through forgery, fraudulent consent are not resolved etc., then in such cases project work should be stopped and no further demolitions be carried.

  3. In cases where the residents have submitted self development projects or wish to submit the same, they should be sanctioned and encouraged and started immediately.

  4. S.R.A. Should ensure that in case of ongoing S.R.A. Projects all conditions in L.O.I. should be complied with.

  5. The L.O.I. of the developer should be withdrawn wherever the developers have submitted forged / false documents or wrong information in violation of the L.O.I – as in case of Shivalik builders.

  6. The Chief Minister of Maharashtra has agreed to implement ‘Rajeev Awas Yojana’ in the slums of Mumbai instead of S.R.A., on 2nd January, 2013. However these very slums are being buldozed even today. So, the displacement of these slums should be stopped till R.A.Y. is implemented. The same was conveyed to the State Government by the Union Minister Ajay maken on April 2, 2013.

  7. Pilot projects in respect of slum at Mandala, Mankhurd under the R.A.Y. Have already been submiited to the state as well as Central Governments. That should be approved and implemented at the earliest.

  8. Civic amenities (like water, toilets, nallahs, roads ) should be provided to all the slums immediately as per the written assurance given by the Municipal Commissioner.

  9. The Chief Secretary had given a written assurance on 25th May, 2011 that 19 bastis as agreed in the list, after 9 day fast by Medha Patkar, will be decalred slums within 3 months. There is no action on this assurance till date. The same should be done. The Chief Minister, and the Principal Secretary, Ministry of Housing had premised again in January, 2013 to complete this action during discussions held with them. They also gave a written assurance to that effect. The displacements that are being carried out at present are, therefore, grossly unjust and hence should be stopped forthwith.

  10. Shri Ajay Maken, Minister for Housing and Urban poverty alleviation, Government of India has written a letter to the Chief Minister, Maharashtra state on 2nd April, 2013. The Chief Minister should declare his stand on the letter in writing.

  11. The land of Sathe Nagar should be given for R.A.Y. . This land is currently under the hold of Bombay Soap company.


National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 26241167 / 24354737 Mobile : 09818905316
Web :

Twitter : @napmindia



#Gujarat Governance – First Hand View – Saga of the Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals, Ahmedabad

Posted on April 10, 2013by  Rupa Chinani 

The Vadilal Sarabhai General Hospital and the Chinai Maternity Hospital, Ahmedbad -- the last bastion left for the poor of Ahmedabad to access affordable and qaulity medical care. Photo by Sindhu Thirumalaisamy.

The Vadilal Sarabhai General Hospital and the Chinai Maternity Hospital, Ahmedbad — the last bastion left for the poor of Ahmedabad to access affordable and qaulity medical care. Photo by Sindhu Thirumalaisamy.

These brimming, flourishing hospitals with a strong pro-poor character are under seige from the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation. Photo by Sindhu Thirumalaisamy.

These brimming, flourishing hospitals with a strong pro-poor character are under siege from the land grabbing Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation. Photo by Sindhu Thirumalaisamy.

10th April, 2013.


Background Brief: 

The saga of the Vadilal Sarabhai General Hospital and Chinai  Maternity Hospital, Ahmedabad:

A first-hand view of ‘governance’ in Gujarat.


The Vadilal Sarabhai General Hospital and Chinai Maternity Hospital, Ahmedabad, are unique, public charitable institutions that have demonstrated, for over 80 years, how partnership between government and philanthropy minded citizens can result in the delivery of quality health care at free or highly subsidized rates to the poorest residents of the city.

These unique hospitals situated on the banks of the River Sabarmati, on historic land where the Indian tricolor was first raised in Gujarat, are today the only and last bastion of medical care for the poorest resident of Ahmedabad, who irrespective of caste or creed, have felt safe here and come in enormous numbers, many since at least three or four generations.

These running, flourishing hospitals are now under attack from the Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling party in the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) which is engaged in a no holds barred attempt to gain control of these uniquely conceived institutions. These hospitals are owned by a Trust and governed by an independent Board of Management, equally balanced between AMC corporators and representatives of the original donor families, whose presence acts as a watchdog to ensure public interest.

The building of the Vadilal Sarabhai General and Chinai Maternity Hospitals was initiated in 1929 when prominent Ahmedabad families responded to then President of the AMC, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s invitation to create health care facilities for the city’s poorest  citizens. The cash-strapped AMC did not have the funds to create health infrastructure.   At that time the Sarabhai’s contributed Rs. Four lakhs; the Chinai’s Rs.1.20 lakhs towards the construction of the hospital buildings and the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) paid Rs.20,000 for the purchase of the land. The proportional value of these initial donor family investments would today run into crores of rupees.

At that time the donor families, who had paid an amount 20 times more than the AMC, could have easily paid the Rs.20,000 for purchase of the land and claimed that the entire property belongs to them.  That they did not do so was because the political leaders of that time and our forefathers understood that the building of public institutions for the poor requires a strong involvement of the State, particularly in areas of public health and education. Private sector, however philanthropic minded, cannot indefinitely provide free or heavily subsidized services to the poorest on its own.

The two donor families and the municipal authorities worked out separate agreements over how their gifts were to be managed. These state that the hospitals will be managed by a Trust which is registered with the Charity Commissioner and is governed by the rules of the Bombay Public Trust Act. The AMC, on its part, gave a commitment of providing for all the running costs of the hospital thereafter. It was also agreed that the hospitals are created to provide free or highly subsidized, quality medical care for the poorest residents of the city.

The ‘Sheth Vadilal Sarabhai General Hospital and Sheth Chinai Maternity Hospital Board of Management’ consists of nine members — four are corporators nominated by the ruling party in the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation, which includes the Board Chairperson who is also the City Mayor; four are from the two original donor families of Ahmedabad — the Sarabhai and Chinai families — who hold two seats each. The ninth seat was held by the City Civil Surgeon who had no voting right and was there in an advisory capacity.

During the 1960’s, space for a ninth Board member with voting rights, was created on the persuasion of  the then Congress Party Mayor, Jaikrishna Harivallabhdas. There was a clear understanding that this seat is to represent the opposition party in the AMC. This mix of representation has sought to ensure that the Board operates democratically, with transparency and public accountability; with decisions made on the basis of debate, persuasion and consensus.

Today after 84 years of fruitful partnership, the Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals, which initially started with a total of 120 beds, have grown to around 1,200 beds. Ideally situated, it is equidistant from all corners of the city. The hospital has attracted some of the finest medical talent in the city and it is widely believed that the care provided here is better than that of private hospitals. Thus the glorious achievements of the Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals – evident in the huge flow of patients and flourishing services is a joint achievement of the hospital staff across the board – as also its Board of Management and the AMC, through the course of decades.

Since 2012 however, the independent Board Members began to apprehend that the future survival of the hospital along with its pro-poor character, is in serious jeopardy. This finally became evident when the AMC revealed its plans to turn the VS hospital campus into a ‘multi-speciality hospital’ that will also become a ‘hub for medical tourism’.

Outlining these plans in a letter dated 22nd March, 2013, which was delivered to the VS Board during its meeting of 28th March, 2013, AMC Commissioner, Mr. G. Mohapatra says the proposed 1600 bed hospital (whose construction has already commenced) will have facilities such as a helicopter pad; green technology, air-conditioning, hold more clinics and create more jobs, amongst other aspects.

The letter further reveals the AMC’s plan to demolish the existing 1200 bed Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals on the grounds that it needs more land for the ‘multi-speciality’ hospital.  It states that the original 120 beds with which both hospitals had started in 1929 will be transferred to the new hospital, into a ward with the donor’s names on the door. The balance of the 1,080 beds, which the AMC claims are owned by them, will be absorbed into the new hospital, the letter states.

This seems to imply that only 120 free or subsidized beds will be kept for the poor in the new hospital, as compared to the 1,200 beds available to them now in the existing Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals.  Thus barring these 120 beds for poor patients, the balance of 1,480 beds in the new multi-speciality hospital will be for paying patients.

While the AMC Commissioner’s letter speaks of serving the poor and middle income group, Ahmedabad NGO’s working amongst the poor ask how many patients who today use the services of the Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals, will be able to enter this high profile multi-speciality hospital?  The AMC Commissioner’s letter does not say what percentage of beds will be reserved for BPL (Below Poverty Line) card holders and whether they get admission on priority.  It does not quote any public health expert on whether Ahmedabad needs yet a public sector ‘multi-speciality hospital’ when so many already exist within the private sector. Neither does it explain why the government should be using tax payer’s money to create high-end facilities when the poor of Ahmedabad need basic, good quality services that are obtained at a reasonable cost, says Gagan Sethi of Centre for Social Justice, an NGO working amongst minority and marginalized communities.

The AMC Commissioner in his letter also claims that the existing Chinai and Sarbhai hospital buildings are old and dilapidated. He states that they should be demolished as this land is required for the new hospital complex.  (An RTI application filed by the donor family representatives sought the building plans from the AMC Commissioner but it has been ignored so far. Sources indicate plans to create a car park for 2,000 vehicles on the land where the Sarabhai and Chinai hospitals exist). The AMC Commissioner then proceeds to tell the donor families to “hand over control of their gifts”.

The Commissioner does not have any independent reputed agency backing his claim that the existing hospital buildings are dilapidated. On the contrary, these buildings constructed in 1929 are of heritage value, have strong foundations that withstood earthquakes and provide ample scope for restoration and expansion at far lower costs, says Brijesh Chinai, an architect who restores heritage properties and is a VS Board member, representing the Chinai family.

While the Gujarat Government, according to the AMC Commissioner’s letter, is giving a grant of Rs.330 crores for the multi-speciality hospital, donor family representatives ask why some of these funds cannot be used to maintain or renovate the Sarabhai and Chinai Hospitals, which are heritage structures with solid foundations? The existing 1200 beds in these hospitals can continue to be used for poor patients. If they need a car park for 2,000 vehicles they can easily build that within the basement or podiums of the new multi-speciality building. What is the need to demolish these existing, solid hospital buildings, they ask.

The AMC’s motive, for all purposes, seems to be running these hospitals and medical colleges as a commercial business, without interference from any “outsiders” and while abdicating its responsibility to the poor.

The strategy to achieve this goal was first put in place in 2009 when the AMC created a Trust, known as Medical Education Trust (MET). Manned by bureaucrats and politicians, it started as a paper body with no tangible assets.  It has no record of praise-worthy performance, its efforts to turn the LG Hospital at Maninagar, Ahmedabad, into ‘world-class facilities’ speaks volumes, says a doctor working there.

MET seeks to raise finances by charging hefty fees to medical students seeking a seat in public teaching hospitals such as VS General Hospital. With undergraduate medical students reported to be paying Rs.3 lakhs; postgraduates Rs. 4 lakhs and NRI US$25,000 per year as official fees, it will have a disastrous impact on the future of medical education in India, say public health experts. It will limit access to the rich and further entrench rapacious medical practices in fleecing the urban poor, while the rural and marginalized populations remain ignored, they say.

The AMC corporators first drew attention of the VS Board to the existence of MET around September 2012, when it sought to pass an order that MET would pay the salaries of teaching hospital doctors employed by the VS Board of Management. This move faced stiff resistance from the independent VS Board members as it amounted to giving entry or allowing interference from an extraneous Trust.

Thereafter, in a move to assert its will on the VS Board, the AMC, during the  Board meeting of 30th October, 2012, announced in the Agenda that  the seat of the AMC opposition party member (representing the Congress Party) on the VS Board of Management was vacant, following that party’s resignation from all Standing Committees of the AMC. When independent members pointed out that the VS Board was independently managed and was bound to consider the resignation letter before accepting it, they were overruled. A ruling party corporator was then immediately installed, thereby tilting the majority in their favour.

AMC’s unauthorized effort to involve MET in the affairs of the VS Board and bypass it, is manifest in written AMC administrative orders related to key appointments or tenders awards. For instance, the VS Board was not consulted in the MET conducted appointment of the VS Hospital Superintendent. When the post of Deputy Superintendent fell vacant – a VS Hospital doctor of their choice — was placed in this seat without any formal application or interview process on the grounds. When questioned they said it is a temporary appointment.

On 28th March, 2013, the AMC Commissioner’s letter (22nd March, 2013, referred to above) was produced at the VS Board Meeting and read aloud, without any previous warning of its appearance on the Board’s Agenda. Thereafter, the Chairperson, Mr. Hasit Vora, produced an ‘Emergency Agenda’ which sought a resolution accepting this letter.  Despite the protests of the independent Members, the AMC corporators went on to pass it by asserting their brute majority.  Thus in five minutes flat, utilizing illegal and brute majority, the AMC corporators passed a resolution that they claimed amounts to bifurcation of the VS Hospital Board of Management and reduces its jurisdiction to the original 120 beds.

Then at the next Board meeting on 5th April, 2013, yet another surprise ‘Emergency Agenda’ sought to transfer all VS and Chinai Hospital staff under the control of MET. The Chairperson told the Board that the staff had been sent individual notices asking them to state their preference within ten days. If there was no written response forthcoming the order of their transfer to the MET Board would be passed, he said.

The AMC notice of 5th April, 2013, placed in the main building, claims that VS staff accepting to come under the MET Board would not be transferred to other corporation hospitals.  During a meeting with the independent Board members in October 2012, the AMC Commissioner, while trying to convince them about why MET was required, had bluntly said that bringing hospital staff under the control of MET and using the threat and weapon of transfer was the only means the AMC has in dealing with the rampant staff indiscipline in VS Hospital.

Meanwhile the stand of the independent VS Board members and the donor families is as follows:

AMC attempt to take control of the donor family gifts held in trust for the poorest citizens of Ahmedabad violates contractual agreements and is thus illegal.

MET is an extraneous body that has no legal right to involve itself or interfere in the affairs of the independent VS Hospital Board of Management.

The Donor Families, both Chinai and Sarabhai strongly assert that the AMC cannot shirk its responsibility in providing free or highly subsidized  medical care for the poorest citizens of Ahmedabad irrespective of caste or creed. It will not be allowed to bypass its commitments made in the Trust Deeds with the donor families, to cover all costs of running and maintaining these hospitals.

The proposed 1600 bed multi-speciality hospital coming up in the VS Hospital compound usurps 1200 beds from the Chinai and Sarabhai Hospitals. Thus for a mere addition of 400 beds, the AMC’s proposal of demolishing heritage buildings with strong foundations; stopping a running, flourishing 1200 bed institution, brimming with poor patients, does not make any sense.

Thus the donor families yet again assert: AMC cannot tamper with the 1200 beds Sarabhai and Chinai hospitals; its independent Board of Management; its staff and sturdy buildings or the land on which they stand. The AMC-MET’s designs to strangulate the hospitals of funds and staff and encroach on the hospital property must be challenged and fought tooth and nail.

As independent members of the VS Board of Management who are first hand witness to such dastardly and illegal moves, we wish to inform the VS and Chinai Hospital staff; the donor families and all concerned citizens that there is an urgent need to create enormous social and legal pressure from every corner.

The institutions created by our national leaders and forefathers, whose running costs are supported by the tax paying public, will remain as they are in status quo, in perpetuity, despite all attempts by vested interest parties to thwart or destroy them completely for ulterior reasons and motives.



India takes its first serious step toward privacy regulation – but it may be misguided


Simon Davies ,


 By Simon Davies

The world’s second-most populous nation may be on the cusp of embracing privacy legislation. After several false starts the Indian government appears ready to accept the need for some form of regulation.


Shah’s report provided a convincing body of evidence – both at the domestic and the international level – for the creation of national regulation.

Well, maybe this is a slightly optimistic view. A more accurate portrayal might be “the Indian government appears ready to accept the principle of some form of regulation”. 

There is actually no agreed policy position across government on the question of privacy and data protection, but the Planning Commission last year established an Expert Group under the chairmanship of the former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court, A.P.Shah. Justice Shah’s subsequent report is being considered and a draft Bill has been created.

Shah’s report provided a convincing body of evidence – both at the domestic and the international level – for the creation of national regulation. It called for the formation of a regulatory framework and set out nine principles that could form a foundation for the next stage. These principles – reflecting the basis of law in other countries – have been generally accepted by Indian stakeholders as a sound frame of reference for progress.

There’s a long way to go before consensus is established on a overall type of regulatory framework. Having said that, India is closer than ever to seeing real legislation – and the international community needs to put its weight behind the activity.


However although the nine principles are supported, the precise nature of any possible regulation is still very much in flux. There’s a long way to go before consensus is established on a overall type of regulatory framework. Having said that, India is closer than ever to seeing real legislation – and the international community needs to put its weight behind the activity.

Debate over the merits of data protection and privacy law stretch back beyond a decade but reform was constantly hampered by perceptions that regulation would stifle economic growth. Some industry lobbies have been as keen as government to ensure that privacy proposals are stillborn.

Even with the nine principles as a bedrock the path to privacy law must overcome two extremely difficult hurdles.

The first of these is that a substantial number of Indian opinion leaders continue to express an instinctive view that there is no cultural history for respect of privacy in India. That is, people don’t want or expect privacy protection and Western notions of privacy are alien to Indian society.

In support of this assertion these critics often cite an analogy about conversation on Indian trains. It is well known that many Indians will disclose their life story to strangers on the Indian rail network, discussing their personal affairs with people they have never before met. This trait is construed as evidence that Indians do not value their privacy.

Debate over the merits of data protection and privacy law stretch back beyond a decade but reform was constantly hampered by perceptions that regulation would stifle economic growth.

I spoke last week at an importantmeeting in New Delhi where this exact point was repeatedly made. The meeting, organised by the Data Security Council of India andICOMP India was well attended by industry, government, academics and NGOs. Speakers made constant reference to the matter of public disclosure of personal information. 

In response, noted commentator Vickram Crishna expressed the view that the train anecdote had no relevance and was a convenient ruse for people who for their own self interest opposed privacy regulation.

“In reality this circumstance is like Vegas”, he said. “What happens on Indian trains, stays on Indian trains. People will talk about their lives because they will never see these passengers again and there is no record of the disclosures.”

“What we are dealing with in the online world is a completely different matter. There is no correlation between the two environments”.

A substantial opinion poll published earlier this year also debunked the myth that Indians don’t care about privacy. Levels of concern expressed by respondents was roughly the same as the level of concern identified in other parts of the world.

A second hurdle facing privacy legislation is the perception –  particularly prevalent in the United States – that legislation will be a burden on industry and people do not want yet another cumbersome and costly government structure.

Government intervention does not enjoy a history of consistent success in the marketplace, though in many instances intervention has been the only means to bring industry into compliance with basic safeguards.


There are perhaps some grounds for considering this perspective, given the vast scale and complexity of India’s economy. Government intervention does not enjoy a history of consistent success in the marketplace, though in many instances intervention has been the only means to bring industry into compliance with basic safeguards.

I made the point at the meeting that support for a purist model of industry self regulation was simplistic and misguided. Most systems of a similar nature fail unless someone is mandated to ensure compliance, transparency, enforceability and consistency. It’s a question of finding a way to embed accountability in industry self regulation – and this is where legislation and government could help.

Justice Shah’s report reflected this widespread concern by recommending a co-regulatory framework in which a privacy commissioner would oversee industry self regulation. However – as last week’s meeting exemplified – even this compromise solution is not acceptable to many industry players. They oppose the idea of an appointed commissioner and believe that industry self regulation alone will be sufficient.

This is an influential view that cannot be brushed aside. However in a special programme to be aired tomorrow evening (19th April) on India’s main parliamentary television network – RSTV – I repeatedly make the point that such a view, if successful, would put Indian industry in danger of winning the battle but losing the war. Europe is unlikely to accept a model of sole industry regulation, and the crucial flow of data between the two regions could be imperiled

Conscious of all these challenges the influential NGO Centre for Internet and Society has published a draft Citizens privacy bill and has commenced a series of consultation meetings across the country. These initiatives will provide important input for the emerging legislation.

This is an important moment for privacy in India, and one that will require careful thought and sensitive implementation. However no-one in India should be in any doubt that the current unregulated situation is unsustainable in a global environment where nations are expected to protect both their citizens and the safety of data on their systems.


Explain how minor rape victim was put behind bars: SC tells UP govt #Vaw

 HEADLINES TODAY  |   New Delhi, April 10, 2013

TAGS: Rape | Rape victim |Uttar Pradesh Police | Police |Crimes against women
The Supreme Court on Wednesday took suo motu cognisance of media reports about detention of a 10-year-old rape victim by the police in Bulandshahr district of Uttar Pradesh recently.The apex court has now sent notice to the state government, asking how the police put the rape victim in custody.

The callous response of police came to fore after the girl’s rape as she was put behind the bars by women personnel when she approached them to file a complaint along with her mother. The victim was rescued after several hours only after locals protested over the matter.

Two women constables have been suspended while two sub-inspectors, including the station-in-charge have been sent to police lines following the incident, SSP Gulab Singh said.

Read more at:


Manipur encounter deaths show pattern of carelessness, says Supreme Court #AFSPA

J. Venkatesan, The Hindu

Centre assures Bench that it will come out with dos and don’ts for security forces

The Centre on Tuesday informed the Supreme Court that the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would take a decision on the expert committee report holding that seven persons were killed in Manipur in fake encounters in six cases.


Additional Solicitor General Paras Kuhad submitted this before a Bench of Justices Aftab Alam and Ms. Ranjana Desai hearing a public interest writ petition highlighting how mass killings had taken place in the last decade. The committee comprised the former Supreme Court judge, Justice N. Santosh Hegde, the former Chief Election Commissioner, J.M. Lyngdoh, and the former DGP of Karnataka, Ajay Kumar Singh.


Justice Alam told counsel: “We can’t tell you how sorrowful we are. What is the use of sitting here? Everything appears meaningless.” The committee, in its report, said six cases of encounters resulting in the killing of seven persons were fake and the victims did not have any criminal background. The committee also reportedly recommended withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA).


‘No respect for human lives’


The Centre also assured the court that it would come out with “dos and don’ts for the security forces” and sought four weeks for responding to the report. When senior counsel V. Giri, appearing for the Manipur government, wanted the court to lay down guidelines on this issue, the Bench observed: “How many times this court laid down guidelines. Tragedy is guidelines are not followed. We want to proceed further and these things should not happen in future. These deaths reveal a pattern of carelessness. No respect for human lives.”


The Bench said, “Security forces are also human beings, away from family. They also get brutalised. These people are also young and in the midst of violence. They also don’t lead a normal life.”


NHRC suggestion


In its response to the committee’s report, the NHRC said: “To ensure that all such incidents in the future are thoroughly investigated, irrespective of whether they involve the Army, the paramilitary or the police, or are joint operations of these forces, the Government of Manipur must follow the NHRC guidelines on the steps to be taken after encounters.”


Detailed enquiries


The steps are: reporting these incidents within 48 hours to the NHRC and holding magisterial inquiries within three months. These enquiries should not be perfunctory, as they presently are.


The magistrate must inter alia closely examine all reports, including of post mortem, inspect the site and take statements from the families of the victims; the CBCID should inquire into each incident within two months.


“In every instance where the nature of the incident warrants it, the Government of Manipur should appoint a Commission of Inquiry headed by a judge. It must accept the findings and act on the recommendations of these commissions, instead of burying them, which is its current practice. The constitution of such a Commission of Inquiry must immediately be reported to the NHRC, and the report sent to it as soon as it has been tabled in the Legislative Assembly.”


The Bench adjourned the hearing by four weeks.


Shehla Masood case: court reserves order on bail pleas of two accused

My Friend Shehla Masood

My Friend Shehla Masood

Press Trust of India  |  Indore  April 10, 2013 

The special CBI court today reserved its order on the bail applications of two of the accused in the Shehla Masood murder case — alleged shooters Saquib Ali ‘Danger’ and Tabish Khan — till April 12.

Judge Anupam Srivastava reserved the order after hearing the arguments by defence lawyer Pradeep Gupta and CBI’s senior prosecutor Atul Kumar.

The accused had filed the pleas in December.

Advocate Gupta had argued that the trial was underway for over a year and would go on for long, so the accused be given bail. But prosecution argued that final arguments were yet to take place and the bail applications could be considered afterwards.

Five people are on trial for the murder of Shehla Masood, an RTI activist, in Bhopal‘s Koh-E-Fiza locality on August 16, 2011: Zahida Parvez, Saba, Saquib Ali Danger, Irfan, and Tabish.

Zahida Pervez, an interior designer, is accused of conspiring to kill Masood.


#India-10-year-old rape survivor put behind bars #Vaw #WTFnews

The victim spent several hours behind the bars after her mother brought her to a women’s police station to lodge a complaint against a local goon for allegedly raping her
Illustration: Anand Naorem

Bulandshahr (UP), Apr 8 (PTI): The callous response of police came to fore when a 10-year-old girl, who was allegedly raped, was put behind bars by women cops after she approached them to file a complaint along with her mother.

Two women constables have been suspended while two sub-inspectors including the station-in-charge have been sent to police lines following the incident, SSP Gulab Singh said.

The victim spent several hours behind the bars after her mother brought her to a women’s police station to lodge a complaint against a local goon for allegedly raping her. She was rescued only after locals protested over the matter.

According to Singh, the minor from Meerpur village here was found lying unconscious in a field by her parents last night where she had been dumped after being allegedly raped.

An FIR was lodged with the police by victims’ parents but shockingly the staff of the women’s police station detained the victim in lock-up. The girl’s medical examination will be conducted to confirm rape and investigations are on, Singh said. The local goon accused of raping the minor is absconding, he added.


An open letter to Shri Manna Dey- Call for endorsements

Dear Manna da,                                                                                                          

Last week brought us shock by the West Bengal Police’s brutal assault on a peaceful demonstration of students in Kolkata, killing a young activist, Sudipto Gupta, and inflicting serious injuries to many students. While the victim was battling for his life, the Chief Minister, who is also in charge of the police department, Ms. Mamata Banerjee, was active in the Indian Premier League (IPL) opening ceremony extravaganza. With stains of blood in her hand, within a day, she came down to Bangalore to “honour” you!

Our question before you, Manna da, is as follows.

Do you really need this “honour” from her, who has blood in her hands? Did you not check her record before you gave your approval to this “honour”?

Is it not a tragic irony that while you are a musical genius, the boy’s father, an unknown violinist, is also a musician? While the bereaved father plays the tune of mourning, can you – Manna da, accept this “honour” from a person, who publicly label the brutal custodial death of a student a ‘petty matter’ – who is the cause of it?

You have enthralled us with your unforgettable Puchho na kaisey mayne rayen beetayee..? Can you ask the same question to Sudipto’s father and sister, as to how, they spent the dark night of April 2, 2013 and thereafter?

Manna da, your voice became ours, when you sang Manbo na e bondhoney, manbo na e shrinkhaley (We shall not accept these chains that shackle us). That still is our aspiration. We are sure that you too have not strayed away from that.

This reminds us of an episode in the life of Bhagat Singh. An admirer of of Lala Lajpat Rai, Bhagat Singh was shocked when Lajpat Rai joined the communal organization, The Hindu Mahasabha. In agony, the young freedom fighter, Bhagat Singh , wrote a letter of protest to his leader, quoting from Robert Browning’s poem, The Lost Leader, which was Browning’s condemnation of Wordsworth’s betrayal of the cause of “liberty, equality and fraternity”. The poem begins with the words, Just for a handful of silver he left us. It pains us to believe that you could have accepted this “honour” from Ms. Banerjee “just for a handful of silver.”

And, it would always give us pain, to say about you,

We, who had loved him so, followed him, honoured him,

Lived in his mild and magnificent eye…..

…..He alone breaks from the van and the free-men,

He alone sinks to the rear and the slaves!

It would, hence be a great sorrow for us to say,


Blot out his name then, record one lost soul more,

One task more declined, one more footpath untrod,

One more devil’s triumph and sorrow for angels,

One wrong more to man, one more insult to God.

We are sure that what has happened is a cynical ploy by a discredited political agency to purchase credibility, by making you a victim of it. We, in no way would like to allow your name to be linked with them. For it was your voice which described them as,

Anna ditey narey bubhukkhu janataye,

Kantha rodh karey lathi raifele.

(Those who do not give food to the hungry mouths but throttle their voice with batons and rifles.)

But Manna da, we do not believe in infallibility of humans, even of the greatest of the great. We want you in our midst and thus request you to return this “one gift”. As Rabindra Nath Tagore had said, while returning the knighthood to the British crown in the wake of the Jallianwallah Bagh massacre, “The time has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in the incongruous context of humiliation.”

Please, do consider whether the time has come for you too, to “give voice to the protest of millions of my countrymen, surprised into dumb anguish of terror.”

Do not be shackled, Manna da, by this “honour”, which heaps insult on you.

Manbo na e bondhone,  manbo na e shrinkhale

Mukto manusher swadhinata adhikar, kharba korey jara ghrinnyo koushaley…

(We shall not accept these chains that shackle us

We will unshackle from those, whose shameful machinations trample upon the right to liberty of free human beings.)

With reverential honour to you from the depth of our hearts.


Subhankar Chakraborty,

Kamayani Bali Mahabal, Human rights activist, Mumbai


(If you agree pl sign in the comment section, name, org/profession, city

#India- Students Suicides- Petition by University Teachers

( This writ petition is before the AP High Court.)

We are all teachers who are deeply concerned about these suicides and the crisis in the universities that they point to. Our desire is to help the Court to understand why these suicides have taken place and urge that it takes note of the contexts that seem to be pushing students to take such terminal steps. We believe that the suicides are only the tip of the iceberg of many problems the student community (especially dalits and other marginalized groups) is experiencing.

These include: failure and constant fear of failing the examinations; insult; a sense of being stigmatized, unwanted or rejected socially and academically; consequent demoralization and lack of self belief; having failed not knowing how to face families who have struggled to educate them; not being able to fulfill the responsibility of supporting parents and siblings; sexual harassment; not having the economic resources to survive outside the university campuses–just to mention a few examples. University administrations have generally attributed these deaths to personal psychology instead of attempting to seriously study the problem and initiate broad systemic and attitudinal reforms.

  1. Analysis of Context

Social profiles of students who died are as follows. Across Hyderabad an overwhelming proportion of student suicides are of those belonging to marginalized social backgrounds. This marginalization may relate to caste, region, language, minority status and sexual orientation. The following examples demonstrate this trend:

    • Pulaya Raju committed suicide in March 2013. Aged 21 years, he was a student of 8th semester of the Integrated MA Linguistics at UoH, belonging to Scheduled Caste. He was from Warangal district and his father was a mine worker. Raju was the first to enter university in his family. After he cleared the courses in six semesters successfully(elsewhere this would have earned him a BA degree, but not in UoH), he got detained in four courses in the seventh semester. At the time of his death, he was uncertain and anxious about his next semester registration.
    • Mudasir Kamran, a Kashmiri student of EFL-U committed suicide in 2013. At the time of his death, he was writing his Ph.D thesis in the Department of English Language Teaching. He was distraught about being taken to the police station over a quarrel with a fellow student.
    • Rajitha, committed suicide in 2011. She was a 1st year student of MAPolitical Science in Osmania University. She came from a Scheduled Caste agricultural family. Her ambition was to join the Police Department. She could not face harassment from a male classmate.
    • Senthil Kumar died in the year 2008. Senthil Kumar, pursuing Ph.D in Physics at HCU was from a Panniandi (pig-rearing caste) family in Tamil Nadu. His parents were agricultural workers. He was worried about failing in the exams, finding a supervisor at the end of first year and about his scholarship (part of which he sent home regularly) being discontinued.
    • Malleshwari aged 21 years committed suicide in the year 2007. She was studying B.Tech in the College of Technology, Osmania Unviersity. She was from a poor backward caste family in Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh. After getting detained in her first and second semesters with 50% backlogs, she committed suicide.

While it is impossible to establish a single “explanation”  for any of these suicides, each of them have raised a number of structural problems that relate to the crisis that the universities are facing today.

Failure has a specific meaning for these students. Due to many reasons, ‘discontinuing’ and going back home is not a viable option for poor, rural students, who may chose death over a future in which they must stare at their inability to provide for miserably poor families that have staked everything to educate them. In many cases they were also the academic “toppers” in a village or a community and the ignominy of returning as failures would also be unbearable.

There has been a demographic shift in the student population of the universities. From 1990s onwards, the number of students from marginalized groups reaching universities has steadily increased. Expansion in the scope of reservation to include backward castes has succeeded in bringing new groups into the universities. Increased vigilance has ensured that the SC-ST quotas are better filled. As such, this increase in the diversity of students is surely a welcome change and of signal importance in national life.

The suicides, we believe, point to the exclusionary mindset operative within the universities. This is usually also endorsed in the articulation of student anger following such events. While the acts and attitudes that emerge from this mindset may not always be willful or conscious, the mindset surfaces consistently in entrance procedures and norms, administrative arrangements, rules, curricula, teaching practices, testing and examination practices, various institutional procedures, faculty-student relations, indeed the entire culture of the university and its everyday life.  We feel that the university and we, as members of it, have not taken the challenge of addressing and dismantling this mindset seriously enough.   In other words, the multidimensional intellectual and institutional effort that is essential if this mindset is to be changed so that new students made part of the larger community has not been actively fostered. This may be done through institutional mandate (as for example in the noting of failure or dropout rates; focus on curricular change designed to “leave no student behind”; profiling of faculty and departments with a history of failed students) or through broad-based cultural initiatives.  On the contrary student anguish or anger has all too often been taken as depression or rowdyism and medicalized or criminalized.

All these problems raise many administrative challenges in terms of faculty-student ratio, hostel facilities, admissions, examinations, adequate number of administrative staff etc. which nevertheless do not receive adequate attention. Across the universities students report facing innumerable problems related to crowding, inadequacy and poor hygiene of toilets and other hostel facilities, shortage of food and drinking water (queues may be so long that students have to leave for class without lunch/breakfast). Lack of facilities and arrangements (more so for girls) for games and recreation is another factor impeding a healthy social life.

Students from marginalized groups also are troubled by lack of clarity and sometimes contradictions in examination and administrative procedures (a faculty member may not have declared the results of his/her course, but a registration cut-off date is enforced), rules that do not take into account their difficulties, and discretionary and biased treatment from the administration. For example, ‘don’t waste my time’, ‘go away’, ‘come tomorrow’, ‘I am busy now’, ‘your presence irritates me’ (the last spoken by a deputy registrar sitting in an air conditioned room) have become routine! They feel unwelcome –and experience a lack of mooring, support, and abandonment. In spite of the goodwill shown by a few individual faculty members, they experience the university to be ‘hostile’ towards them.

Universities, in our opinion, are also yet to acknowledge the need to change the prevailing academic culture of the university. We have been slow to engage with and adapt to new student needs, let alone challenge already established knowledge structures. The extraordinary merit of these students reaching the portals of the university despite all adversity is unrecognized and we continue to see them as a backward burden on the university system. We need to ask ourselves why far too many of the students who have made their way into the “big” universities through reservations and supported by national fellowships, drop out. Why are they, as a group, failing? Why do they begin, often for the first time in their lives to do badly in class, feel unwanted and unfairly treated, harassed by norms and regulations? A simple example of unfriendly regulations is the UoH system of registering every semester, which poses a lot of problems to these students who have to obtain ‘no dues’ certificates from six different people, including the library. Anyone who delays this procedure by a few days has to pay a penalty for identity cards and other administrative essentials. The lack of coordination between the Centre for Integrated Studies which runs the IMA programme, Departments at the post-graduate level, and examination branches is resulting in confusion regarding backlog/supplementary exams and eligibility of students for appearing in the next semester exams.

  1. Agenda for Change

It is submitted that serious curricular changes need to be made to ensure that the students from these groups will successfully complete their courses and acquire the required skills (for jobs). We continue to teach subjects, without thoughtfully rethinking and reorganizing the material and for the actual students in the classroom. Students are left feeling that the courses are designed to show up their inadequacy, not to help them learn. Curricula and pedagogy remains oriented to students from elite backgrounds.

The flexibility and openness to innovation of the semester system offers some avenues for adapting courses to suit new populations of students entering the university. This has not been fully exploited. Substantial work has to go into designing new curricula taking into account students’ strength, addressing their interests and gaps in abilities, and mediating between them and the possibilities of employment. There has been some acknowledgement of the necessary structural changes such as the establishment of Centres for Women’s Studies, Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy and introduction of a few courses in Gender/Dalit studies; but their contribution is isolated and academic. These issues do not become a serious concern of the university as a whole.

The Public Culture of the University needs to be actively changed. This can be done through rules, procedures of accountability, academic discussions, and, not least, cultural initiatives. The administration should visibly demonstrate that it is taking seriously its responsibility to what is, after all, the majority of people in this country. While these problems may be somewhat difficult, they are not insurmountable. Similar problems have been institutionally addressed with success in other countries, and adaptation is possible. For example, administrative fairness and justice for marginalized populations is a well-known fact about educational institutions in the US.

The University should be a location that facilitates the shaping of egalitarian and universal knowledge, the interaction of castes, classes, religions, regions and genders, the building of friendships and the development of mutual respect. This is not happening.  The loss is economic – that of the investment of a desperately poor family, sometimes and extended family and maybe an entire village; also that of the tax payer and the country. The loss to national culture is inestimable: failure of a critical forerunner sends a bad message to many children looking up to those who have gone ahead of them.  Universities in general, and we teachers in particular, need to be more accountable to the high failure rate, anxiety, disturbance that students are experiencing.

It is a matter of very deep concern that all too often police are called into the university.  Individual students involved in a quarrel and protesting students (who all too often are calling attention to these structural problems) are being taken to the police (and cases filed against them) for small issues that should have been addressed within the university or problems that have such deep structural roots. The University should by now be aware that problems that are complex and structural cannot be addressed as ones of law and order.  Students are threatened and humiliated by this and the results can be tragic. The most recent example is the suicide of Mudassir Kamran at English and Foreign Languages University.

Grievance Redressal Mechanims such as disciplinary committees, grievance cells at the department and university level, sexual harassment committees, SC/ST grievance cells etc. are neither fully functional nor accessible to the students. We would suggest that the revival of these several committees, rather than establishing one general grievance cell, will enable the culture of hearings and redressal to grow. Some universities have some of them in place. In some universities such as Osmania University, a Sexual Harassment Committee is yet to be established. In another example, in the aftermath of the suicide of Senthil Kumar, PhD student, in 2008, a Fact Finding Committee was constituted by the University of Hyderabad. One of the important findings of this Report was the need for Grievance Redressal mechanisms for every School/Department in the University where students can go with their problems.  The Report also emphasizes the need to nurture and take care of those students who come from marginalized backgrounds especially in a context where the watch words for contemporary university are that of access and equity. Reviving and strengthening the operation of these committees would go a long way towards establishing administrative fairness.

Towards this objective – of redefining the public culture of the universities, we have to radically rethink indicators of the formal educational system such as failure, drop out, forced discontinuation, irrational decline in the performance of entry level students (e.g. school or district toppers doing badly in university), even student anger against rules and procedures. The rethinking is all the more necessary as these indicators continue to be interpreted as student failure, and not as institutional inadequacy.

Provision needs to be made for an adequate number of counselors who are also aware of and trained to respond to the kinds of tensions and pressures individual students may be experiencing.  Women or dalit and other marginalized students facing harassment or demoralization, minority students ever in danger of being labeled as terrorist or scoffed at for wearing the hijab, those wrestling with issues of their sexuality and/or sexual orientation, also need help to confront these issues.  Though many of these problems are structural, it is individuals who suffer their effects. They need help to recognize the problems and deal with them productively and not destroy themselves through shame or self blame.

We have taken this opportunity of submitting a set of recommendations drawn from our experiences to make University education more inclusive and accessible. Such an exercise requires a wide range of issues to be addressed which include new set of curricula, administrative systems, teaching methods, policy initiatives, and general cultural orientation keeping in mind the fact that the university is one of the most important transformative institutions in India today.

Our plea is that an Inquiry Committee be constituted to study the whole wide range of issues that bear on student suicides. The Committee may also hold well publicized Open Hearings in the different universities, and receive written submissions from the public.  We the undersigned teachers are willing to assist this Court in laying down substantial ground rules for revisualising / revitalizing the university system as it exists today.


Prof. G Haragopal, Rt Professor from Department of Political Science, HCU

Prof. Rama Melkote, Retd Professor, Department of Political Science, OU

Prof. Jacob Tharu, Retd Professor of Educational Evaluation, EFL-U

Prof. D.Narasimha Reddy, Sankaran Chair, NIRD, Hyderabad

Prof. Susie Tharu, Department of Cultural Studies, EFL-U

Prof. Padmini Swaminathan, Centre for Livelihoods Research, TISS, Hyderabad

Prof. PL Vishweshwar Rao, Head, Department of Journalism, MANUU

Prof Mariappan Periasamy, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad

Dr R Akhileshwari, Associate Professor, Dept of Journalism, OU

Dr. P Madhavi, Retired Associate Professor in Commerce, OU

Prof. T Nageswara Rao, Department of Commonwealth Literary Studies, EFL-U

Prof. D Vasanta, Department of Linguistics, OU

Prof. U Vindhya, Chairman, Academic Programmes, TISS, Hyderabad

Prof. P.Muthaiah, Department of Political Science, OU

Prof. Madhava Prasad, Department of Cultural Studies, EFL-U

Prof. Madabhushi Sridhar, NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad

Prof. K.Srinivasulu, Department of Political Science, OU

Prof. Sasheej Hegde, Department of Sociology, HCU

Dr. K.Lakshminarayana, Associate Professor, Dept. of Economics, HCU

Prof. Vinod Pavarala, Sarojini Naidu School of Arts and Communication, HCU

Prof. Gaddam Krishna Reddy, Department of Political Science, OU

Dr. P Thirumal, Associate Professor, SN School, HCU

Prof. R.V Ramana Murthy, Department of Economics, HCU

Dr.S. Durga Bhavani, Associate Professor, School of Computer and Information Sciences, HCU

Dr. Rekha Pappu, Associate Professor, Centre for Education, TISS, Hyderabad

Dr. K. Satyanarayana, Associate Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, EFL-U

Prof. M.T.Ansari, Director, Centre for Comparative Literature, HCU

Dr. Bhangya Bhukya, Associate Professor, Dept of Social Exclusion Studies, EFL -U


NHRC’s two-days ‘Camp Sitting’ in Chhattisgrah – Soni Sori Torture #Vaw




New Delhi, April 8, 2013

The National Human Rights Commission was set up under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 with a mandate to promote and protect the human rights in the country and it is actively engaged in this task since its inception. In its efforts to reach out to the far-flung areas, the Commission has been organizing its Camp Sittings in different parts of the country. The aim of the Camp Sittings is to dispose of pending cases concerning one particular State by hearing the senior government officers; sensitize them about the importance of human rights issues and compliance of NHRC recommendations by them; meet the local NGOs to get an insight into the problems being faced by the people. In the past, the NHRC has held Camp Sittings in the States of U.P., Bihar, Bengaluru (for four southern States of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu), Odisha, Gujarat, Assam and Meghalaya.
The Commission has now decided to hold its Camp Sitting at Raipur in the State of Chhattisgarh on 11th-12th April, 2013. A delegation of the National Human Rights Commission headed by Justice Shri K.G. Balakrishnan, Chairperson, Justice Shri B.C. Patel and Shri Satyabrata Pal, Members, Director General (Investigation) and other senior officers will be attending the Camp Sitting at Raipur.
On the opening day of the Camp Sitting on 11.04.2013, the Commission has decided to take up 26 cases in Full Commissin and Division Bench Sittings to be held at New Circuit House, Civil Lines, Raipur. 19 cases shall be taken up by the Full Commission comprising Justice Shri K.G. Balakrishnan, Chairperson, Justice Shri B.C. Patel, Member and Shri Satyabrata Pal, Member. 7 cases of deaths in police action shall be taken up by the Division Bench comprising Justice Shri B.C. Patel, Member and Shri Satyabrata Pal, Member. The cases to be taken up during the Camp Sitting, among others, include the following:
Excesses by Salwa Judum Members, Torture in Police custody, Atrocities on SCs, Malnutrition, sexual abuse of students, reconstruction of school buildings, damaged /destroyed by naxalites, Death of under trial prisoner in judicial custody, Deaths in alleged fake encounter, medical negligence etc.
On the second day of the Camp Sitting i.e. 12.4.2013, the Commission will hold a meeting with local NGOs on human rights issues at New Circuit House, Civil Lines, Raipur from 10.00 AM to 11.30 AM. Thereafter, the Commission will hold discussions at the same venue with the Chief Secretary, DGP, DMs, SPs and other senior civil, police and jail officers on the issues raised by the NGOs and on the following issues:
¢ Strategy of the State Government to combat naxalism in the state.
¢ Atrocities committed on tribals in districts of Bastar and Dantewada by Police, security forces and Salwa Judum.
¢ Relief and rehabilitation of tribal victims of violence by security forces and naxalites.
¢ Education for tribal children in Bastar and Dantewada district.
¢ PDS system in the State
¢ Prison Reforms.
¢ Bonded Labour & Child Labour.
¢ Manual Scavenging & Sanitation.
¢ Status of implementation of recommendations of Shri K.B. Saxena’s report on SCs.
¢ Visit of Dr. L. Mishra, Spl. Rapporteur, NHRC to Raipur on 24-27 Mar.2008
¢ Human Rights Education at State Level.
¢ Indignity to women – practice of witchcraft.
¢ Pre-conception & Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) (PCPNDT) Act.
¢ Silicosis
¢ Leprosy
¢ Intimation about deaths in police/judicial custody within 24 hours of occurrence.
¢ Intimation about death in police encounter.
¢ Intimation about death in State Government Homes/Juvenile Homes/Probation Homes.
¢ Timely submission of the legible copies of the reports by the authorities.
¢ Delay in submission of compliance reports.
¢ Non-registration of FIR by the police in time

A delegation of the Commission shall also visit Dantewada and a relief camp near Dantewada to assess the relief and rehabilitation measures undertaken by the State Government for the affected persons.
On the conclusion of the Camp Sitting, Justice Shri K.G. Balakrishnan and Members of the Commission would brief the media about the outcome of the Camp Sitting as well as discussions with the NGOs and senior officers of the State Government for wider dissemination of information on the human rights issues and action taken by the NHRCfor their protection and promotion.
In its endeavour to implement the recommendations made by Shri K.B. Saxena, IAS (Retd.) in his report submitted by him after carrying out a study about the atrocities against persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, on the request of the Commission, public hearings on various issues relating to atrocities and problems faced by Scheduled Castes, have also been held in various parts of the country. So far, such Public Hearings have been held in the States of Odisha, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan and Maharashtra. The response of the people to the public hearings of the Commission was very encouraging.



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