#India- Caste discrimination, apathy leading to suicides on campus


, TNN | Mar 29, 2013,

HYDERABAD: P Raju, the dalit student who killed himself on March 19 at the University of Hyderabad (UoH) feared he would not be allowed to attend classes in the coming semester due to three backlogs and sank into depression.But Raju didn’t know that he had secured a ‘B’ grade in the Linguistics paper, making him eligible to continue his fifth semester, as authorities did not bother to announce his results until he hanged himself from the ceiling fan, after making a futile trip to the office of the controller of examination to know his fate.

Raju’s story is not an isolated case, it is in fact indicative of a bigger failure of universities in communicating certain matters of relevance to the students who are already reeling under caste discrimination, either real or perceived.

Among the nine suicides from university campuses in the past one year, seven belonged to SC/ST/OBC communities, and one to a minority community.

In another case, Senthil Kumar, a dalit PhD scholar of the School of Physics, UoH, had committed suicide in 2008 as he was not told that he was eligible for scholarship in the coming semester, despite clearing his course work examinations, a senior faculty member of the university said.

Academics said the trend indicates incapability of institutions to understand the pressing problems of students with poor socio-economic background.

Ignored by school, college and university managements, students coming from less privileged backgrounds are at a higher risk of committing suicide in hostile or unreceptive academic set-ups, assert counsellors and human rights groups.

A fact-finding report submitted as part of an internal investigation after the suicide of Senthil Kumar found that “most students affected by the inconsistencies and ambiguities in procedures (academic and administrative) were SC/ST students, leading to the building up of a perception of discrimination among students belonging to these communities.”

The report goes on to recommend confidence-building measures and transparent procedures to integrate such students into the academic system, which is not in place now.

In a more recent study conducted by Insight Foundation, New Delhi, it was found that four from Hyderabad were in a list of 19 suicides committed by SC/ST students of various institutions in the country, owing to caste discrimination during the past five years.

Activists say that most campuses which earlier had majority of students from effluent backgrounds have an increasing number of students from poor socio-economic backgrounds.

“On one hand, the government has recognized the importance of supporting and nurturing groups that were hitherto excluded from educational opportunities through scholarship schemes for SC/ST students and for minorities. On the other hand, this is not matched by a corresponding overhauling of existing institutional cultures,” an article by faculty members of English and Foreign Languages University (EFLU), Asma Rasheed, K. Satyanarayana and Uma Bhrugubanda said.

 

Seeking Solidarity for Justice for Mudasir Kamran #mustshare


Chalo EFLU.jpg

We, the students of The English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad, seek your support and solidarity in our struggle for justice for Mudasir Kamran, a PhD scholar, who died on March 02, 2013. We are dismayed at the insensitivity with which the University administration has handled the situations that led up to Mudasir’s tragic death, labeled as suicide, and the events that unfolded in its aftermath.

It is deplorable that our Vice Chancellor, instead of acknowledging the failure of the system and addressing the apprehensions of the students by taking corrective steps that ensure justice, has been resorting to coercive tactics and trying to threaten the students with police action if they do not call off their strike.

Mudasir Kamran, a Kashmiri Muslim PhD student in EFL University, Hyderabad, hanged himself on the night of 2nd March in his room. The night before, he had been detained at the Osmania Police station under the explicit directives of the university Proctor, who was responding to an altercation between Mudasir and his friend. We urge you to take note of the serious humiliation inflicted on Mudasir by the Proctor’s decision to invite police intervention and by his derogatory comments on Mudasir’s mental health.

The Proctor’s inability to deal with a conflict between two students—a matter that should have been limited to the aegis of the University, a University that is determined by its own set and sequence of protocols in addition to the guidelines of the UGC—and his active role in allowing the said conflict to escalate to the level of a police complaint and detention of Mudasir at the police station cannot be overlooked. The University administration seems to be trying to cover up the questionable statements made by the Proctor and his insensitive conduct.

The University’s malicious attempt to conceal facts and spread canards about Mudasir has been exposed by the newspapers. In a report on March 14, 2013 in Times of India, it is claimed that Mudasir Kamran wrote three complaints to the Proctor between February 4 and 15, 2013, where he even makes reference to explicit threats to his life from some other students. This shows that there is more than mere negligence on the part of the University administration. By willfully suppressing this fact, the University administration seems to be actively engaged in distortion and character assassination of Mudasir. We also call into question the role of the Hostel authorities in not ensuring Mudasir’s care after he was brought back from the Police Station.

Although an FIR u/S. 306 of IPC is registered against the Proctor (for abetment of suicide) at the Osmania University Police Station, no action has been taken by the police. We believe the administration in collusion with the police has vested interests in concealing structural lapses.  The Vice-Chancellor’s statement to the press as well as the Police press release implicates Mudasir’s sexual orientation as the basis for his violent behavior and his alleged delinquency. However, the Vice-Chancellor, as the head of the university administration has consistently refused to take responsibility for structural shortcomings.

Despite such intimidation and other strategies adopted by the administration that aim at dissociating from and concealing structural inadequacies, we the students have united to form a “Struggle Committee for Justice for Mudasir Kamran”. A group of progressive teachers of EFLU too have come forward (in the name of “Teachers’ Front for Justice and Democracy”) opposing the authoritarian ways of handling the situation.  We have been perseverant in our struggle for justice and we have involved ourselves in different modes of protest – from general strikes in the university to silent protests, dharnas and peace rallies. Our demands have been, and continue to be:

An impartial judicial probe may be initiated:

We believe that under the circumstances, any committee endorsed by the Vice-Chancellor cannot ensure neutrality. Therefore, we demand the institution of an impartial judicial probe. A plea by the Struggle Committee has already been addressed to The President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee.

Suspension of the Proctor and the Vice-Chancellor, pending enquiry:

We fear that as Proctor, the concerned person is invested with great authority and power that could influence the neutrality of the proceedings. Given that no such inquiry can be successfully conducted while the Proctor holds his office, we demand that the Proctor is suspended till the completion of the said inquiry.

Also, we take note of the fact that the Vice Chancellor at no point has mentioned the contents of Mudasir’s letter and has in fact at no point mentioned to the Press or in any public statement that the administration was in possession of letters, where Mudasir had  attempted to clarify and defend his own position. Instead, she, as the representative of the university authorities has continued to criminalize Mudasir in the name of homosexuality and uphold the notion that the violence was ensuing from one party.  The Vice Chancellor has not at any point acknowledged that this was a serious problem between two students and that they had failed to accord equal attention and seriousness to both parties.

We fear that the Vice Chancellor in collusion with sections of the faculty and the administration have vested interest in affecting the neutrality of any form of inquiry. It is in view of this that we demand the suspension of the Vice Chancellor, pending inquiry.

A written apology from the University administration to the members of the English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad:

 

We would like the University administration to issue an apology to all members of the University for failing to resolve a crisis that was avoidable in the first place. We believe such an apology would be a gesture, not only indicating the administration‘s desire to receive the crisis in the seriousness that it warrants, but also of faith and reassurance to the EFLU community. 

Regarding the compensation, the administration must look into legal precedence set by other universities; for example, the case of Senthil Kumar in the University of Hyderabad:

We would also want the university administration to provide compensation for Mudasir‘s family, a demand that has been turned down citing GOI limitations. The conventional discourses of heteronormativity, majoritarianism, casteism and elitism that govern institutional spaces and public spheres have come in to full view. We as students, teachers or administrators cannot continue to disregard the new languages and identities that are beginning to occupy our university spaces. We believe that our institutional and societal structures have failed to take in to account the various identities—regional, religious and sexual—that converged in the person of Mudasir. We need to understand the conventional ways in which universities are administered and the trauma this may result in for some students–especially those who do not “fit” the university‘s idea of the “normal” student.

Our  demand for compensation comes out of engaging with the experience of fellow students from marginalized communities who have consistently raised the issue of difficult costs—monetary, emotional, and labored—to their families, to their villages and their communities in sending a young person to an urban  university. The pressure to monetarily contribute to the family, the education of younger siblings, etc. continues to concern students from such marginalized backgrounds. We understand that institutional spaces such as universities are yet to appreciate the immense amount of pressure on such students. When they fail to cope with indifferent structures, some prefer to take their own lives, rather than having to return as a failure. With this understanding, we refer to the precedents set by the University of Hyderabad in providing compensation to the family of Senthil Kumar.

Structural changes must be implemented to ensure that relationships between teachers, students and the administration are not ridden with discrimination, prejudice and domination; a structure that encourages a more sensitive attitude towards all members of the University; a structure that does not resort to law in the first instance.

We would also like to bring to your attention the adequacy and capacity of institutional arrangements in dealing with the emotional and psychological needs of students, especially those who come from minority or backward communities or conflict regions. We insist that GS CASH should be formally instituted as a full-fledged functioning body in our University. There is also a need for other cells/bodies need to be put in place for redressing grievances of specific groups of students. For instance, Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU) has a special cell for Kashmiri students to look after their specific problems and issues.

Our struggle has drawn support from various student organizations in different state and central universities, for instance, AISA, AISF, DSU, BSF, TVV, ASA.  A section of academicians in Jamia Millia and Delhi University have also expressed their solidarity with the Struggle Committee.

Mudasir’s suicide takes up greater significance in the light of it being the fourth death in our five-year old University. To add to this, there have been multiple suicide attempts by students of the university, following casteist oppression within the German Department. Another student, Munavath Sriramulu, an Adivasi student, had gone on a hunger strike as well as filed a case with the Osmania University Police Station against the casteist attitude of the HOD of the German Department, Prof. Meenakshi Reddy. He was admitted in the Intensive Care Unit of a private hospital following the distress caused by the death of Mudasir, his friend. We take into consideration the high tally of student deaths–two Dalit and one Muslim minority— in this campus and recognize that these are not individual cases, but rather a symptom of a deep structural malignancy.

We continue to face an adamant administration and a large section of hostile teachers who insist on exercising their powers to intimidate the protesters   At this juncture it is crucial that we are supported by all who occupy our position and hope for a university structure that is humane and democratic, and be able to fight alongside. 

We would also like to invite you to the 24 hour event announced by the Struggle Committee for Justice for Mudasir Kamran on the 29th-30th March (10pm-10pm).

 

We look forward to your solidarity.

 

Thank You

Struggle Committee for Justice for Mudasir Kamran

for more information contact- Sadique P.K
MPhil Social Exclusion Studies(Critical Social Science)
EFL University,Hyderabad
Mobile:07702226990

Traveling Uranium Film Festival in India- start from New Delhi on 4th Jan 2013 #mustshare


 

The Traveling  International Uranium Film Festival  is going to be inaugurated  in New Delhi  on January 4th  in Siri Fort auditorium no. 3 and will be on  road  to  major Indian cities  like  Shillong , Ranchi, Hyderabad,  Mumbai, Pune, Chennai and  finally end its journey as part of VIBGYOR International film festival , Thrissur ( Kerala )  in February, 2013.  The festival will offer wide range of animation videos, short films, documentaries and even feature films from  all over the world.  International Uranium  Film Festival was  first held in Rio (Brazil) and then travelled to cities in Portugal,  Berlin (Germany )  and  would move to  New York  after the Indian edition.

Green energy vs. Nuclear energy is today the most engaging contemporary debate in India. In this crucial period, there is a need to move the debate further and we feel that  art and culture is the best medium to reach a large audience. Today when India  and other  developing countries need energy to meet the needs of the people ,  establishments   are ambitious to go to any  limit to achieve their goal . As  down south,  our fisherman brother and sisters have been raising  concerns  and anxious about clean environment ,  unfortunately instead of addressing their concerns, they  are being   labeled as anti-national and anti-development. We need to just stop and ponder. Shouldn’t we learn from experiences of the communities of the past to take new decision? asks National award winning  documentary filmmaker Shriprakash, Festival director of the India edition.

“ Independent information is the base for independent decisions. The festival stimulates the discussion about the nuclear question and stimulates the production of new documentaries, movies and animated films about any nuclear or radioactive issue. In addition Uranium Film            Festival creates a neutral space to throw light on all nuclear issues .Societies and peoples have the right of choice if they want to follow the nuclear road or not” says Mr. Norbert,  international festival director

 

“  All the local organizers  are working  hard on the last minute work related to this event and  we are  excited for the response of the people towards this festival “   adds  shriprakash

Here is the schedule for the festival :

 

Delhi-      Siri Fort auditorium no.3 (4-6 Jan 2013)

Shillong-   Hotel Majestic , Shillong (10-11 jan 2013)

Ranchi-    Mass com auditorium,  Central University,  Jharkhand , Ranchi  15th Jan /Ranjendra  institute of medical sciences, ranchi, 16thjan    International Library and Cultural Center , Club Road Ranchi- 17 jan 2013

Hyderabad -  Golden Threshold Campus  auditorium /  Main campus auditorium ,  S.N  School of communication & art (Central university of Hyderabad)  and Humanities auditorium (University of Hyderabad) ( 22-24 January , 2013 ) and lamkaan,  road no.5, Banjara Hills   ( 25th January )

Pune-   Bal Gandharva  auditorium , Jungli  Maharaj Road, Pune ( 27- 31 January, 2013 )

Mumbai -  Ajmera house, next to grant road station west/Bupesh Gupta Bhawan Prabha devi ,   ( 2-3 February , 2013 )

Chennai-  Asian collages of Journalism, behind MS Swaminathan research foundation ,Taramani ( 5- 7 February , 2013 )

Thrissur   -  Kerala Sangeet Nataka Academy campus, Thrissur ,  VIBGYOR Film Festival  (  7-12 February , 2013 )

 

for further details contact-

Shriprakash
09431580434/08809854907

 

Healthcare Models in the Era of Medical Neo-liberalism #mustread


A Study of Aarogyasri in Andhra Pradesh, EPW

By-N Purendra Prasad (purendra.prasad@gmail.com) teaches at the department of sociology, University of Hyderabad

and P Raghavendra (raghavendra868@gmail.com) is a research scholar in the department of sociology, University of Hyderabad.

The experiment in restructuring the healthcare sector through the Aarogyasri community health insurance
scheme in Andhra Pradesh has received wide attention across the country, prompting several states
governments to replicate this “innovative” model, especially because it supposedly generates rich electoral
dividends . However, after a critical scrutiny of this neo-liberal model of healthcare delivery, this paper
concludes that the scheme is only the construction of a new system that supplants the severely underfunded
state healthcare system. It is also a classic example of promoting the interests of the corporate health
industry through tertiary hospitals in the public and private sectors.

Medical neo-liberalism is characterised by the commodification of health that transforms individuals
from patients to consumers. Unlike patients, consumers who seek healthcare bear the responsibility for the
choices they make or fail to make regarding their health. As consumers are positioned to make choices about healthcare,
they also have the obligation to utilise products and services that are available to ensure good health or to treat illness and
disease. Fisher (2007) points out that patients as consumers have embraced the neo-liberal logic of healthcare so that they
too see illness in reductionist terms and seek pharmaceuticals as targeted magic bullets. With growth in customised products
and medical costs, access and affordability to healthcare has become a key issue across the world.
In the Indian context, the increased disease burden on the poor along with rapidly growing healthcare costs has been the
subject of debate for sometime now. Services in government healthcare institutions have declined over the past two decades
at the primary and secondary level, leaving the sick-poor with no option but seek private healthcare services. Several
studies have pointed out that rising expenditure on health and education is one of the main contributory factors to high
indebtedness and subsequent suicides among peasants in different parts of the country in the last 10 years (Sarma 2004;
Ghosh 2006).
Clearly, healthcare has assumed huge political signifi cance for the neo-liberal state with new and innovative (populist)
healthcare programmes being launched in several states in different forms. Among these, Rajiv Aarogyasri, a community
health insurance scheme introduced by the Government of Andhra Pradesh (AP) on a pilot basis in 2007 and implemented
in 2008 is being hailed by many experts as a model to be emulated – the scheme covers 6.55 crore people belonging to
183 lakh below the poverty line (BPL) families.Aarogyasri needs special attention as it is supposed to have mobilised a large number of voters for the ruling Congress Party during the 2009 assembly elections who helped it return
to power for a second term. This scheme’s popularity is so huge that several delegations from different states in India have
been regularly studying its logic in order to replicate it and reap similar political benefi ts. States such as Kerala, Tamil
Nadu (Kalaignar Scheme), Delhi (Apka Swasthya Bima Yojana), and Karnataka have already formulated a similar template
and are in the process of implementing it. The Maharashtra  government too announced the Rajiv Gandhi Jeevandayee Arogya Yojana, a free medical care scheme for the poor in 2011, committing Rs 800 crore in the fi rst phase to benefi tnearly 50 lakh families earning below Rs 1 lakh per annum ineight districts.

A national social health insurance scheme called the Rashtriya Swashthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) waslaunched as a centrally-sponsored scheme in 2008 to cover 2.3 crore families and seven crore benefi ciaries. The AP government has already announced that Aarogyasri will soon become a  universal health scheme and cover non-BPL families as well.

Given the pre-eminence of the scheme, it is important to assess the scheme by locating it in the historical evolution of healthcare systems in India in the context of its underlying socioeconomic and political dynamics.

Read full article here

 

Let’s stop pretending there’s ” NO RACISM ” in India


YENGKHOM JILANGAMBA, The Hindu

INSENSITIVE MAINLAND: Students from the north-east protesting instances of discrimination. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
INSENSITIVE MAINLAND: Students from the north-east protesting instances of discrimination. Photo: V.V. Krishnan

Most Indians think racism exists only in the West and see themselves as victims. It’s time they examined their own attitudes towards people from the country’s North-East

The mysterious death of Loitam Richard in Bangalore, the murder of Ramchanphy Hongray in New Delhi, the suicide by Dana Sangma and other such incidents serve as reminders of the insecure conditions under which people, particularly the young, from the north-east of India have to live with in the metros of this country. What these deaths have in common is that the three individuals were all from a certain part of the country, had a “particular” physical appearance, and were seen as outsiders in the places they died. These incidents have been read as a symptom of the pervasive racial discrimination that people from the region face in metropolitan India.

An institutionalised form

Quite expectedly, such an assertion about the existence of racism in India will not be taken seriously; the response will be to either remain silent and refuse to acknowledge this form of racism or, fiercely, to reject it. Ironically, most Indians see racism as a phenomenon that exists in other countries, particularly in the West, and without fail, see themselves as victims. They do not see themselves harbouring (potentially) racist attitudes and behaviour towards others whom they see as inferior.

But time and again, various groups of people, particularly from the north-east have experienced forms of racial discrimination and highlighted the practice of racism in India. In fact, institutionalised racism has been as much on the rise as cases of everyday racism in society.

In a case of racial profiling, the University of Hyderabad chose to launch its 2011 “initiative” to curb drinking and drug use on campus by working with students from the north-east. In 2007, the Delhi Police decided to solve the problems of security faced by the north-easterners in Delhi, particularly women, by coming up with a booklet entitled Security Tips for North East Students asking north-eastern women not to wear “revealing dresses” and gave kitchen tips on preparing bamboo shoot, akhuni, and “other smelly dishes” without “creating ruckus in neighbourhood.”

BRICS summit

Very recently, in the run-up to the BRICS summit in New Delhi, the Delhi Police’s motto of “citizens first” was on full display, when they arrested or put under preventive detention the non-citizens — the Tibetan refugees. But the real problem for the security personnel cropped up when they had to identity Tibetans on the streets of Delhi. This problem for the state forces was compounded by the fact that Delhi now has a substantial migrant population from the north-east whose physical features could be quite similar to those of Tibetans. So, the forces went about raiding random places in Delhi, questioning and detaining people from the region. North-eastern individuals travelling in vehicles, public transport, others at their workplaces, and so on all became suspects.

Many were asked to produce their passports or other documents to prove that, indeed, they were Indian citizens and not refugee Tibetans. In some cases, “authentic” Indians had to intervene in order to endorse and become guarantors of the authenticity of the nationality of these north-easterners. The situation became farcical and caught the attention of the judiciary reportedly after two lawyers from the region were interrogated and harassed. The Delhi High Court directed the Delhi police not to harass people from the north-east and Ladakh. How much easier it would have been for the Delhi Police, if only citizenship and physiognomy matched perfectly.

But should one expect otherwise from these state and public institutions, given the fact that racism is rampant at the level of societal everyday experiences? For north-easterners who look in a particular manner, everyday living in Indian cities can be a gruelling experience. Be it the mundane overcharging of fares by autoricksaw-wallahs, shopkeepers and landlords, the verbal abuse on the streets and the snide remarks of colleagues, friends, teachers, or the more extreme experiences of physical and sexual assaults. It is often a never-ending nightmare, a chronicle of repetitive experience.

One also wonders if racial attitudes, if not outright racism, influence many more aspects of life than one imagines. For instance, whether there is any racial profiling of employment opportunities, given the concentration of jobs for north-easterners mostly in the hospitality sector, young women in beauty salons, restaurants and as shop assistants.

Visible and unseen

Of course, racism is difficult to prove — whether in the death of Richard or in the case of harassment of a woman from the north-east. And it should not surprise us if racism cannot be clearly established in either of these cases because that’s how racism works — both the visible, explicit manifestations as well as the insidious, unseen machinations. Quite often, one can’t even recount exactly what was wrong about the way in which a co-passenger behaved, difficult to articulate a sneer, a tone of voice that threatened or taunted, the cultural connotations that can infuriate.

How does one prove that when an autorickshaw driver asks a north-easterner on the streets of Delhi if he or she is going to Majnu ka Tila, a Tibetan refugee colony, that the former is reproducing a common practice of racial profiling? This remark could be doubly interpreted if made to a woman from the region — both racial and gendered. How do I prove racism when a young co-passenger on the Delhi Metro plays “Chinese” sounding music on his mobile, telling his friend that he is providing, “background music,” sneering and laughing in my direction? And what one cannot retell in the language of evidence, becomes difficult to prove. Racism is most often felt, perceived, like an invisible wound, difficult to articulate or recall in the language of the law or evidence. In that sense, everyday forms of racism are more experiential rather than an objectively identifiable situation.

Of course, every once in a while, there will be an incident of extreme, outrageous violence that is transparently racial in nature and we will rally around and voice our anger but it is these insidious, everyday forms of racial discrimination that bruise the body and the mind, build up anger and frustration. Fighting these everyday humiliations exhausts our attempts at expression.

If one is serious about fighting racial discrimination, this is where rules must change — by proving to us that in Richard’s death there was no element of racism. Given the pervasiveness of racism in everyday life, why should we listen when we are told that those who fought with him over a TV remote were immune to it?

To recognise that racism exists in this country and that many unintended actions might emanate from racism can be a good place to start fighting the problem. To be oblivious of these issues or to deny its existence is to be complicit in the discriminatory regime. Also, the reason for fighting against racism is not because it is practised against “our” own citizens but because it is wrong regardless of whether the victims of racism are citizens of the country or not. One way to be critical of racism is to recognise and make visible the presence of racism rather than merely resorting to legalistic means to curb this discrimination.

(Yengkhom Jilangamba is a Visiting Associate Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi.)

Its easier to censor Theatre


Vidya Rao, Thumri Artist

HYDERABAD: A guided tour of Unnava Laxmi Narayana’s ‘Malapalli’ and a taste of cynicism through Rachakonda Viswanatha Sastry’s ‘Aaru Saara Kathalu’ (Six stories on arrack) marked the second day of the national seminar on law and literature in the city. Socialism and class struggle as captured in literary works and machinations to censor art depicting real-life situations formed the essence of the discourse.
The issue of censorship on literature and play-acting brought different perspectives. Noted Gujarati playwright and activist Saroop Dhruv observed that it is easier to censor theatre than movies. “Staging a play requires the script to be submitted in advance. This is something films don’t go through. The experience is similar to having a foetus aborted before it takes shape,” said Saroop whose plays were targeted for critiquing contemporary issues, from communalism to displacement of slum-dwellers in the name of urban beautification in ‘Suno Nadi Kya Kehti Hai’.
Wielding censorship on women musicians by centres of power — a largely male dominated area — was brought out by publisher and Thumri artist, Vidya Rao.
The struggle of workers, marginalised classes and agricultural laborers in Andhra pradesh were covered in separate sessions by writer and filmmaker Kutumba Rao and Sudhakar’s paper on Ra Vi Sastry’s portrayal of the rot in judicial system. The censorship on ‘Malapali’ in pre-independent India was discussed in detail by Kutumba Rao whose recitation of Sri Sri’s rebel cry in ‘Maro Prapancham’ brought alive the struggle of the worker.
In the contemporary context, the legalese employed courts was portrayed in an anecdotal evidence by Suneetha Rani, professor at University of Hyderabad. The Tollywood movie ‘Leader’ which borrows from the dynasty politics in the state was presented through a paper by Sam Gundimeda which drew parallels between the case fought by K.G Kannabiran and Balagopal against the killings in Karamchedu and the cinematic portrayal of a warped sense of extra-judicial justice.

Indian Express