#India – Narendra Modi Slide Show to woo Muslims


MODI1

Shaheen Khan Naqshbandi

So Modi Ji is now wooing Muslims. Hmm. Interesting!

At a function yesterday, Modi Ji agreed to see a PowerPoint Presentation
about Muslims of Gujarat. I cannot help but wonder whether the PowerPoint
Presentation had the following Slides:

1)…a slide where, during the riots, he said, “Hinduoon ko apni badaas
nikaalne do”.

2)…a slide where he was in Police Control Room listening to everything and
doing nothing to stop the riots.

3)…a slide where ‘Safed Daadhi’ gave the approval to Vanzara to kill
scores of innocent Muslims like Ishrat Jahan in cold-blood.

4)…a slide where he ridiculed young Muslim boys as being future ‘garage
mechanics’.

5)…a slide where he called Muslims with the prefix “Mian” in contempt.

6)…a slide where no Muslim candidate was given ticket in the Assembly
elections.

7)…a slide where he refused to put on the Muslim cap, while he puts on
headgears of all other ethnicities and communities in his functions.
… a slide where tens of thousands of Muslims have still not been
rehabilitated even after 10 years of riots.

9)…a slide where ghettos where Muslim were forced to live after riots are
ignored by municipality.

10)…a slide where Modi fought a case in High Court against granting
scholorship to poor Muslim students.

11)…a slide where Maya Kodnani was promoted to Minister of State for Women
& Child Development AFTER she sucessfully conspired to kill 97 Muslims, MOST
of who were Women & Children

………

The SlideShow without these slides is simply incomplete in order to depict
the LOVE & RESPECT that Modi Ji has for Muslims.

 

URGENT: A Letter from Indian Muslim Youth to #ChetanBhagat


JULY 1, 2013

If you agree with the following Text and wish to be one of the signatories of this letter, please send your signature (Name, Profession , City/State) at activist.journalist@gmail.com by 12 PM tomorrow (2nd July 13).

Dear Mr. Bhagat,

At the very outset, let us make it clear that we are not fans of your regressive fiction. Therefore, we write to you not as crazy fans but as Indian Muslim youth, who felt utterly patronized, insulted and hurt after reading your article, ‘Letter from an Indian Muslim Youth’ . You might have not realized this, but in pretending to render “a strong modern Indian Muslim voice’’ to the youth and the Muslim community at large, you have ripped them of their agency. You have reaffirmed stereotypes that many in the community have been fighting against. Heard of the Muslim god and his flock?

Sir, one does not need a name like Ahmed or Saeed or Mirza, or even be a Muslim to show one’s genuine concern for the community. One just needs to see beyond one’s own prejudice and biases. Believe us, this disgusting piece of your writing made us more nauseous than any of your (or Madhu Kishwar’s) love-verses to Modi. Your article is nothing but an extension of the thought process that anything Muslim is backward and regressive. Since you have assigned to yourself the task of bearing the moral burden of the community, would you care to explain what a ‘Muslim cap’ is?

We agree with you when you say political leaders make promises that go empty post elections. And that there are Muslims who have achieved much without any ‘’cap-wearing politician’’ helping them. But who is this leader that you are suggesting; one who would understand ‘’the desire’’ of the Muslim youth ‘’to come up in life’’ and ‘’inspire us to do better’’? Is it by any chance the mass murderer, Narendra Modi?

You know what hurts? That people pretend to care for you when they don’t. When in fact they use you to grind their own axe. How cleverly you turn everything that the Muslim youth face today – “being frisked with greater attentiveness, denied renting an apartment” – into a product of the community’s inherent backwardness, as if it bears no relation to the increasing communalization of our polity and society.

What makes you think that the ‘cap’ wallahs exercise a great deal of influence within the community? Interestingly, one particular party has been lately seeking a lot of photo-ops with precisely these kinds of community leaders. Make no mistake Mr. Writer. They don’t.

“Because of you”, you write castigating an imagined Muslim leadership, “people feel we vote in a herd.” Now, isn’t that really clever, Mr. Bhagat. People feel we vote in a herd because certain parties never tire of screaming hoarse about ‘minority appeasement’ and ‘vote banks’, even though, any psephologist or political scientist, or even an ordinary Muslim youth at Chai dukaan will tell you that Muslims vote just like any other community does: according to a mix of factors: local, national but above all, keeping in mind who will preserve their interests best. And their interests do tend to include the safety of life and livelihood.

We are sorry, Mr. Bhagat, but the ‘’democratic republic’’ you talk of is not so democratic. If it were so, Afzal Guru wouldn’t have been executed to ‘’satisfy the collective conscience of the nation’’. Muslim youth would not have fallen prey to minority witch-hunting, and their killers not decorated with gallantry awards. Adivasis in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa would not have been ripped of their fundamental rights to live with dignity. Dalit poets would not have been falsely charged under sedition laws.
Loving one’s nation is well and good, but being blinded by patriotism is not. Why do Indian Muslims always have to prove their allegiance to India? Why can’t they also be critical of their country?

The party whose path you are treading has had Indian Muslims pass through too many Sita-like ordeals of fire, Agni Pariksha. You may have the privilege to turn a blind eye to the post-Babri Masjid Demolition violence, the Gujarat pogrom, but many others don’t. How then do you think a leader who doesn’t even have the integrity to apologize for his complicity in the Gujarat pogrom represent Muslim youth’s aspirations for ‘’scientific way of thinking, entrepreneurship, empowerment, progress’’ and above all, ‘’personal freedoms’’? And just by the way, have you heard of the word, ‘Justice’?

Sd/-
Name Profession City (State)
1. Rafiul Alom Rahman, Student, Delhi University, Delhi
2. Mahtab Alam, Civil Rights Activist and Journalist, Delhi
3. Javid Parsa, Student, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad
4. Zulaikha Jabeen, Researcher and Activist, Raipur, Chhattisgarh
5. Shahnawaz Malik, Journalist, Delhi
6. Abdullah A Rahman, Student, TISS Tuljapur
7. Abu Zafar, Journalist, Delhi
8. Mahtab Azad, Development Consultant, Araria (Bihar)
9. Ali Amir, Student, TISS Mumbai
10. Gauhar Iqbal, Eauntropneur, Delhi

Press Release- Decision to raise Sardar Sarovar Dam height illegal


29th June, 2013

 

Decision to raise height of SSP illegal and political conspiracy

Central Authorities cannot permit drowning

of 2 lakh population without rehabilitation 

The decision to permit raising of the height of the Sardar Sarovar Dam from the present height of 122 mts to the final height of 138.68 mts, as per the news published in the Times of India, has been taken by the Resettlement and Rehabilitation Sub Group of the Narmada Control Authority (NCA) on 26th June. This is supposed to have been done on the basis of the reports by the 4 states, including Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra, confirming, that ‘rehabilitation is complete’. All this is absolutely unbelievable and unacceptable since there are more than 40,000 families in the 245 villages in the submergence area spread across three states, but the maximum (193) are in Madhya Pradesh alone.

 

There are at least 4,000 families in M.P. and about 1,000 in Maharashtra who are yet to receive alternative agricultural land as per the eligibility. Thousands of landless including agricultural labourers, fish workers, potters and other artisans are yet to get an alternative source of livelihood as per the state policy and Action Plan, endorsed by the Supreme Court. Those at the resettlement site in Gujarat or Maharashtra or at a very small percentage in M.P. are certainly not rehabilitated, till date, as there are hundreds of families without full land, as per entitlement or amenities, yet to be attained.

When huge corruption through a massive scandal of about 5,00 to 1,000 crores, misappropriated by officials and agents in rehabilitation is under inquiry, by Justice Jha Commission, appointed by the High Court for the past 5 years, there is no way that M.P. can approve the fake rehabilitation. M.P. has allotted land only 21 families till date, that too in the past two months, while 4,000 + remain to attain their due, many of whom are cheated through fake land registries. These include hilly adivasis habited in the Satpuda and Vindhya ranges, who are to be taken special care of as per the policy and judgements. Maharashtra too is still searching and locating land to establish R&R sites, more and Gujarat’s oustees are also awaiting declaration, allotment of land and / or amenities in the original villages as well as resettlement sites.

The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal Award and all the Supreme Court’s judgements, (1991, 2000, 2002, 2005) and the last interim order that has clearly directed full and fair implementation of the NWDTA, are to be violated once again, is there is any raise, in the dam height,  at this stage. Flooding the villages, where life is on with pucca houses, shops, markets, schools, temples and mosques and lakhs of trees will be a gross injustice, against law and contempt of court. The Prime Minister himself had given a written commitment to the Apex Court on 17th April, 2006 i.e. on the 21st day of fast in New Delhi, that all the families upto 122 mts were not rehabilitated while that height was sanctioned and that rehabilitation would be complete within 3 months i.e. by June, 2006. The same has not yet happened and hence there could be no permission granted for further work at the dam.

 

Moreover, not one, but many committees of MoEF and the latest chaired by Shri Devendra Pandey have clearly concluded based on the documents and data that almost all the conditions in the environmental clearance are not fulfilled, but violated. Be it Gujarat on the non-compliance of CAD Plans, or Maharashtra and M.P. with targets and plans on protective / preventive measures, compensatory afforestation, health measures for all the three states.

It is, therefore, obvious that any clearance granted is only a result of political expediency. Mr. Narendra Modi since, last few months had been raising SSP issues publicly to blame or challenge the UPA Govt, which is succumbing to these pressures unnecessarily and unjustifiably. When Gujarat doesn’t have its canal network ready and not built beyond 25-30% over the last 30 years, what is the need to raise the height and fill more water to drown the valley? Why can’t the MoEF and the Narmada Control Authority under the Ministry of Water Resources compel Gujarat to complete execution of all environmental measures and building of canal network phase-wise and thereby utilize the already ponded waters?

 

The issue is politicized with nearing of 2014 elections, no doubt but people’s lives and livelihoods being at stake, we can’t allow such a heinous crime to be committed by flooding houses, communities, fields, and forests any more, not till all legal pre-conditions are fulfilled. We warn the NCA not to clear the raising of the dam height and also warn R&R Sub – Group to withdraw its decision. The people of the valley will compel these authorities to comply with law and are prepared to fight it tooth and nail.

Surbhan Bhilala            Devram Kanera          Kamla Yadav            Kailash Awasya

 

Ghokru            Ranveer Tomar         Shannobehan    Madu Machuara   Medha Patkar

 

Phone: 09179148973 / 09423965153

 

 

#Gujarat- 15000 Gujarati pilgrims rescued ? #Uttarakhand


 Tales of survivors magnify the absurd claim

By Vishal Dutta, ET Bureau | The Economic Times, 30 June 2013

Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi meets flood-affected peopl Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi meets flood-affected people at a relief camp in Haridwar on June 22, 2013

It’s raining heavily, its zero degrees, I am freezing and rain water is gushing down from the hills. Five of us have managed to reach the terrace, the other four died on the spot on the ground floor due to water and debris… I can hear three women half-buried in the debris screaming for help.

I need to help them or else they will die. But my legs are swollen… The entire town is pitch-dark… my mobile has last point charging… You don’t speak, just hear me and try to get help from the Gujarat or Uttrakhand government or get in touch with Central government….”

That’s a chilling mobile phone recording of a five-minute desperate plea for help at close to midnight on June 16 from Hiren Dave, stuck in the hills of Kedarnath, to his friend Javal Patel in Ahmedabad. Javal hasn’t heard from his 36-year-old friend since then. It’s almost two weeks now that Hiren and 12 others of a group of 40 pilgrims that went to Kedarnath are missing. Hiren’s SOS to Javal was just one of the many he made as the clouds burst over Kedarnath on that fateful Sunday. Through that night he and his family members ­ as well as Javal in Ahmedabad ­ made frantic calls to different help agencies in Uttarakhand, Delhi and in Gujarat.

No One Listened

“The government hardly has any presence during crises and like a fool my friend was asking me to get the government’s help,” says a broken Javal. “That night I was so near to him, but still helpless to do anything. Hiren was begging for help and the government was nowhere near.” Along with Hiren, four of his relatives are also missing, even as his wife and younger brother back home are scurrying around for help and information. Manshuk Patel is one of the 40 from the group who has been brought back from Uttarakhand. But eight of his family members are still missing.

Hospitalised for depression, Patel is inconsolable and has lost his will to live. No government official visited him; neither has the government been able to provide any information about his missing family members. Ashok Barot, 52, a head constable with a local CID crime branch in Gujarat, was lucky to survive. A high blood pressure and diabetic patient, he decided to stay back in a bus, 17 km off the Kedarnath shrine. The next morning when he saw a huge tsunami hurtling towards him, he and other passengers ran toward a hill.

“Halfway up, when I turned back to take a look at the parking, nearly 80 parked vehicles had got swept away at one go,” says Barot in disbelief. Against this backdrop of devastation, the mysterious and atrocious claim that Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi rescued 15,000 from the state is black humour at its worst. “He was able to rescue only 150 Gujaratis via air,” Arjun Modhwadia, Gujarat Congress president, told a local daily. For their part, Modi and the BJP have distanced themselves from the ‘Rambo’ act. “Such claims reflect the sick mind of the politicians and the real anti-people vote politics of politicians. This is nothing but exploitation of people’s pain for their narrow vote politics even in such a manmade disaster situation” says Rohit Prajapati, an RTI activist and founder of Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti, an NGO.

Politically motivated claims also undermine the stellar efforts of the armed forces that had deployed over 8,000 troops to rescue over 2,000 stranded people (till the time of writing). The Rambo feat appears even more absurd when juxtaposed with Gujarat’s own disaster management set-up, suggests Prajapati. “Looking at the numerical strength and skills of the present staff of the GSDMA [Gujarat State Disaster Management Authority], it appears that the department is in coma,” he points out. The GSDMA was formed by the state government a week after January 26, 2001 earthquake hit Gujarat.

Nearly 17,000 people had died. To substantiate his argument, Prajapati points to a report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) released on April 23 this year, where it has clearly said that between 2007 and 2012 GSDMA held only two meetings. And the state’s draft State Disaster Management Plan was approved only in July 2012.

The report further points out that emergency operation groups to address the immediate impact of a particular incident were not created. Interestingly, it’s the same CAG report which had warned that an Uttarakhanddisaster plan did not exist. A detailed email questionnaire sent to the office of GSDMA CEO Ranjit Banerjee inGandhinagar remained unanswered. When contacted, an official at the office informed this reporter that Banerjee would not be replying.

Prajapati is fighting for setting up a chemical disaster emergency plan in Gujarat, as the state has large chunk of chemical industry ­ it accounts for more than 62% of the nation’s output of petrochemicals and 51% of chemicals. He says the GSDMA may have got some awards but does not have chemical emergency and nuclear emergency plans. For the moment, however, all eyes are on Uttarakhand, and how many more of the missing can be found. Says Palavi Patel, elder sister of Hiren: “The real test of any government’s potency is during catastrophes and not during good times with food security bills and employment schemes.”

#India – Narendra Modi conspired to instigate Hindus post Godhra


29 June 2013, agencies

 

MODI1 

Zakia Jafri‘s lawyer on Saturday alleged before a court here that Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi had conspired to instigate Vishwa Hindu Parishad workers and other members of Hindu community after the Godhra train burning incident in 2002.Ehsan Jafri, Zakia’s husband and former Congress MP, was one of those who were slain during the riots across Gujarat after the Godhra incident.Advocate Sanjay Parikh, Jafri’s lawyer, made the allegation during the argument before Metropolitan Magistrate B J Ganatra. The court is hearing Jafri’s petition against closure report of Special Investigation Team which gave a clean chit to Modi and others in the face of the charge of complicity in the riots as levelled by Jafri in her complaint in 2008 before the Supreme Court.

“After the Godhra train burning incident, a large number of kar sevaks indulged in provocative slogan-shouting at Godhra railway station and the situation was tense…And what he (Modi) did was to call VHP Gujarat general secretary Jaideep Patel to go to Godhra and Patel instigated other VHP men and Hindus against Muslims. Therefore, Modi conspired with Jaideep Patel to instigate negative and aggressive feelings of RSS, VHP workers against Muslims,” advocate Parikh contended.

“Real conspiracy began with this instruction to Patel. He (Modi) is the chief executor of the conspiracy,” Parikh said, adding SIT failed to probe this aspect of the case.Jaideep Patel, with 81 others, is facing trial in Naroda Gaam case in which 11 people from the minority community were killed.Jafri’s `protest petition’ demands rejection of SIT report and seeks further investigation by an independent agency. Her complaint accuses Modi of being involved in the conspiracy behind wide-spread violence and misuse of the state machinery during the riots.

“There was no need for the Chief Minister to inform a VHP man and be in close contact with him, knowing fully well that after the Godhra incident, tensions may escalate and what was required was restraint and specific measures to strengthen the law and order situation,” Jafri’s lawyer said.”He, therefore, committed an omission in not discharging his duty. He in fact, by his conduct allowed communal tension to escalate,” advocate Parikh alleged, opposing SIT’s conclusion that no case was made out against Modi and others.

Inaction on Modi’s part amounted to conspiracy and abetment, the lawyer said.He further alleged the state government was aware of heavy mobilisation for Maha Yagna at Ayodhya and still did nothing to control the situation by making proper security arrangement.Parikh also submitted a copy of a statement, dated August 15, 2009, given by the then senior state minister Suresh Mehta to SIT.”As per Mehta’s statement, he was sitting next to Narendra Modi in the assembly on February 27, 2002 when Modi said `Hindus should wake up now’. This shows his mindset against Muslims and that he wanted targeted violence against that community,” Parikh alleged.The hearing would continue on July 3.

 

#India – Why Narendra Modi behaves like larger-than-life Rambo


This Pic is by Amir Rizvi

This Pic is by Amir Rizvi

Economic Times, Kigshuk Nag, 28 Jun, 2013
Narendra Modi hasn’t formally studied economics or sociology, but he sure has intimate knowledge about the theory of expectations.

In essence, the theory suggests that a person will decide to act in a way that will lead to the fulfilment of what he expects to happen.

So, Modi knows that if electors can be convinced to believe that he will win in 2014, they will actually vote for him. Thus, his whole effort now is to convince theelector that he alone will be the victor.

Though given to talking big for a long time – lately earning him the epithet of feku – this is the real reason for Modi for projecting himself as a Rambo who rescued 15,000 Gujarati pilgrims from Uttarakhand in a day.

The logic works like this: if a particular elector believes that electors in general are convinced that Modi is a Rambo, he will expect them to vote for the Gujarat chief minister and make him the winner.

This, in turn, will induce this particular voter to be in tune with the general mood and plump for Modi (unless he has specific reservations).

Expand this particular voter to the universe of all voters and it is easy to figure out how a general expectation that Modi will win can lead to his actual victory.

Of course, the reverse is also true. A general belief that he cannot win will induce non-committed voters to cast their franchise for someone else. Modi is also using the expectation theory when he warns CBI officers that the government could change in the near future. Read this as, proceed gingerly in the Ishrat Jahan case and do not cross me because tomorrow I willbe your boss.

As a matter of strategy, Modi is also using the theory of expectations along with the public mood in the country that is for “change”. The mood for change first became clear from the massive support garnered by Anna Hazare in 2010-11. Hazare’s enormous popularity was because people saw him as the change agent. But this was short-lived because people soon realised that Hazare could not deliver on the change that they wanted. Actually, the people also do not know the “change” that they seek.

Modi is cognisant of this and is offering himself as the change agent.

The task of Modi’s spin doctors will be to build more attributes for the man, so that they tend to align with the change that the people want. Some changes that people want are fairly clear: they want an honest, transparent regime.

That such a revolution cannot take place in India through our defective electoral system – where loads of moolah is needed – may be known to analysts but not to the common man.

Thus, Modi’s men will project him as clear-as-a-crystal leader who delivers on his promises without fear and prejudice. At the same time, they will de-emphasise some of the attributes that have stuck to Modi.

The most obvious of them is his being anti-minority. To counter this, BJP proposes to produce a vision document for minorities.

Slowly, Modi is also being seen as a handmaiden of big business. As evidence of this, last week, a huge crowd of farmers rode into Ahmedabad in trucks, tractors and trailers protesting the Modi government move to forcibly acquire 50,887 hectares of farm land for a special investment region. Expect Modi nowto become pro-farmer.

Modi’s biggest apprehension, however, is that the 2014 elections becoming a referendum on him. This is in spite of Modi revelling in being perpetually in public gaze and nothing can be a bigger ego-booster than a national election exclusively focused on him. A poll where Modi is pitted against Rahul Gandhi or Manmohan Singh is less difficult for him to manage considering the Congress’ two-term anti-incumbency effect.

But a battle that becomes a choice, want Modi or don’t want him, can become an almost insurmountable obstacle for Modi to cross.

This is because many who prefer Modi to Rahul will pause and evaluate carefully whether they want Modi at all. Many who will give the thumbs down to Rahul will not approve of Modi in isolation because they know he is a feku, projecting a larger-than-life image of himself.

The writer is resident editor, Hyderabad, The Times of India

 

[Exposé] Ishrat Jahan Encounter: CBI Probe Nails IB Officer’s Role


Shocking testimonies and a sting implicate IB Special Director Rajendra Kumar and Modi’s top guns. Rana Ayyub scoops the file

Rana Ayyub

2013-06-29 , Issue 26 Volume 10

In cold blood In 2011, the SIT told the court that Ishrat was killed in a fake encounter

In cold blood In 2011, the SIT told the court
that Ishrat was killed in a 
 Photo: Trupti Patel

The is set to drop a bombshell in a case of extrajudicial killing of four alleged terrorists by the Gujarat Police nine years ago. TEHELKA has learnt that the CBI will testify before a trial judge in Ahmedabad that one of the accused officers has, in a sworn testimony, identified , now a Special Director with the Intelligence Bureau (IB), as a mastermind of the encounter killing of a woman and three men, all Muslims, on 15 June 2004. The agency, on the directions of the Gujarat High Court, is expected to file its chargesheet before the trial court on 4 July.

Explosively, a testimony by another officer claims that Kumar met the 19-year-old woman, , while she was in illegal police custody before being killed. Another testimony by a cop claims that an AK-47 assault rifle, which the police said belonged to those killed, had actually been sourced from the Gujarat unit of the IB, to which Kumar belonged then, and planted on the four dead bodies.

The allegations, if found true, would not only fix Kumar’s lead role in the murder of the four people. It would also unequivocally demolish the state government’s long-held claim that the four were terrorists on their way to assassinate Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and were killed by the police on the outskirts of Ahmedabad in a predawn exchange of gunfire. The testimonies are especially stunning as this is the first occasion in India’s history that the IB, an opaque Central agency that functions virtually with no public oversight, has been dragged into the middle of a sordid crime.

Rana

It is the CBI’s case that Kumar knowingly provided false intelligence to the state police, claiming Jahan and the three men with her were terrorists. On 18 June, the CBI questioned Kumar at length in Gandhinagar, the state capital. An intra- agency war has broken out with IB Director Asif IBrahim accusing the CBI of targeting Kumar. But the evidentiary material with the CBI could make it difficult for the IB to continue backing Kumar.

Shockingly, one of the testimonies with the CBI also implicates Amit Shah — a Modi confidant who was Gujarat’s junior home minister at that time — as the one who ordered the cold-blooded killings. The CBI’s upcoming submission in the court on 4 July is bound to kick up a massive political storm as Modi has been tasked to lead his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in next year’s General Election, making him a contender for the job of the prime minister. Shah has been put in charge of the party in Uttar Pradesh, India’s politically most influential state that the BJP must win to rule New Delhi.

TEHELKA has exclusive information that the CBI  also possesses a secret audio recording made by a key accused, , who was one of the police officers who shot the four that fateful night. That recording of November 2011 is a conversation among Gujarat’s then junior home minister, Praful Patel, who had succeeded Shah in the job a year earlier; Additional Principal Secretary Girish Chandra Murmu, an IAS  officer who has served in Modi’s office since 2008 and considered to be one of his closest advisers; the state government’s most senior law officer, Advocate General Kamal Trivedi; his deputy, Additional Advocate General Tushar Mehta; an unnamed lawyer; and Singhal. (Patel, not to be confused with a namesake who is a Union minister, lost in the Assembly elections in December and did not find a place in Modi’s new cabinet.)

In the conversation the participants allegedly discuss ways to cover-up the crime by sabotaging a probe by a Special Investigative Team (SIT) of police officers appointed by the Gujarat High Court in 2009. The conversation shows the participants aimed to prevent the SIT from fingering the officers for the shootout. On 21 November 2011, the morning after the conversation, the SIT told the high court that there had been no shootout and Jahan and her companions had been killed in cold blood. The CBI will submit the audio recording, which has already been sent for a forensic examination, to the judge on 4 July.

According to a CBI officer who spoke to TEHELKA, Singhal has admitted he recorded the conversation as he feared he might be arrested and wanted to save the proof of the wider conspiracy. Indeed, Singhal is emerging as a crucial talking head in the case — as the one who has identified both Kumar and Shah as the masterminds. TEHELKA is aware of the identity of the other police officers who have given sworn testimonies to the CBI implicating IB officer Kumar and the others. However, we are withholding the names in order to protect their identities before 4 July, when the CBI would submit their signed testimonies to the court.

Additionally, a curious occurrence has come to light. Two days before the encounter, someone made two separate phone calls from a public telephone booth an hour apart from each other. One of them was made to the Ahmedabad office of the IB’s state wing. And the other was made to the mobile phone of Javed Gulam Shaikh (formerly a Hindu named Pranesh Pillai), who is the central figure among the four alleged terrorists and who was bringing them to Gujarat in his car. Who was making those phone calls and who did the caller speak with at the IB office? What did he speak of with Shaikh? The answers to these questions would further implicate Kumar, according to the CBI officer.

An Indian Police Services (IPS) officer since 1979, Kumar has been tying himself in knots since the CBI zeroed in on him. He reportedly told the CBI this week that he could not remember details of the events leading up to the shootout. In any case, he told the CBI, he merely provided the intelligence input and did not ask the police to kill Jahan, Shaikh and the two others. But CBI officers have sourced videos that news channels shot at the scene of the encounter where Kumar is prominent among the swarming police officers. CBI officials say Kumar, an intelligence officer, had no business being there.

In fact, two other testimonies the CBI has recorded afresh, directly implicate Kumar in another case: the extrajudicial killing of a Muslim youth, Sadiq Jamal, in January 2003. An officer with the Manipur- Tripura cadre stationed by the IB in Gujarat as joint director during 2000-05, Kumar had provided an intelligence input that said Pakistani terror outfit Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) had tasked the 23-year-old Jamal to assassinate Modi. (A year later, Kumar forwarded an identical input that LeT had despatched Jahan, Shaikh and the two other men, Amjad Ali Rana and Zeeshan Johar, both allegedly Pakistanis.)

The CBI is probing Jamal’s killing, too. Police had arrested him in 2002 for gambling and presented him before a judge in Bhavnagar, 175 km south of Ahmedabad, 10 days before Kumar sent out the intelligence input about Jamal being a terrorist on the prowl. He followed it up with a second missive to the state’s then Director General of Police K Chakravarty, giving out the various locations in Bhavnagar where Jamal could be found.

Subterfuge GL Singhal’s (circled) tape of the cover-up talk implicates many others in the case

Subterfuge GL Singhal’s (circled) tape of the cover-up talk implicates many others in the case
Photo: Mayur Bhatt

One of the new testimonies with the CBI is by an intelligence officer named Ambady Gopinathan who was serving with the IB’s state wing in Maharashtra when the intelligence input about Jamal cropped up first in October 2002. He says a colleague of his in Mumbai submitted a “source report” that Jamal, “a dreaded terrorist had arrived from Dubai to kill certain right wing leaders”. It further said Jamal was in Ahmedabad and was “busy surveying the targets for his nefarious designs”. Gopinathan, who subsequently retired as assistant director with the IB’s Maharashtra unit, forwarded the report to two other state IB officers who in turn forwarded it to the IB in New Delhi.

Gopinathan’s testimony blows to smithereens the story that Jamal was a terrorist who the Ahmedabad crime branch killed in an encounter. He says that on 19 December 2002 Jamal was arrested from a hotel in Andheri East, a Mumbai suburb. “For about a week different SIB (State Intelligence Bureau) officers used to… interrogate Sadiq,” Gopinathan says. “We came to the conclusion that there was no substance to the input that Sadiq had any intention to cause harm to any VVIPs. The interrogation report containing the details and conclusion was sent to the central intelligence unit of the IB.” On 3 January 2003, Jamal’s custody was handed over to the crime branch in Gujarat. Ten days later, “I came to know from the media that Sadiq was killed in a police encounter”.

Surprisingly, even after being given a report of Sadiq’s innocence, Kumar claimed he was an absconder, in a third input generated soon after.

A CBI source told TEHELKA that two intelligence officers from Mumbai are also on its radar. One of them, Gururaj Savadatti, is a “suspect” as he was the one who had submitted the original “source report” about Jamal being a terrorist. The other officer is Sudhir Kumar, who was then IB central director, western zone, and who Gopinathan had sent the source report. The CBI believes the two Kumars, Rajendra and Sudhir, conspired to label Jamal a terrorist, which led to his encounter killing in Gujarat.

The other fresh testimony with the CBI is by a senior IPS officer in Gujarat, Anupam Singh Gehlot, a deputy inspector general in charge of coastal intelligence posted at the state police headquarters in Gandhinagar. Gehlot had been a deputy superintendent of police during 2002-04 at Bhavnagar. Jamal was a resident of Bhavnagar and the intelligence about him was sent to the city police for verification. Gehlot has now told the CBI that J Mahapatra, an IPS officer who was then director general of police in charge of statewide police intelligence, telephoned him and told him to expect a call from Rajendra Kumar. When Kumar called, he sent Gehlot on a wild goose chase by telling him to go look for a man named Ayyub Islam in the city.

“Later I got another phone call(s) from Rajendra Kumar and Mahapatra giving me name of a person called Sadiq Jamal who lived in Bhavnagar, a trained LeT militant (who) was out to kill BJP leader Narendra Modi,” Gehlot says. “I could make out that Kumar was keen on detailing Sadiq Jamal irrespective whereas Mr Mahapatra was keen on me verifying facts.” On 30 November 2002, Gehlot’s men went to Jamal’s house and found only his mother. The local police station told them they had booked Jamal for gambling. “We found no evidence against him and this was reported to the central intelligence unit. It was election time and I was busy with election supervision. On 15 January 2003 I received a phone call from the Ahmedabad crime branch asking me to inform the family of his (Jamal’s) death and to collect the dead body.”

The CBI says Mahapatra has been questioned and he is cooperating. Expect fireworks on 4 July.

rana@tehelka.com

(Published in Tehelka Magazine, Volume 10 Issue 26, Dated 29 June 2013)

 

Madhu Mausi, Namo Mamu and the Ghost of Uncle Pepper


JUNE 18, 2013
t
by , kafila.org

I’ve been thinking a lot about magic lately. The kind of magic that gets pulled at fairgrounds and birthday parties, or on stage, where the impossible is made to appear possible, where material objects dematerialize and specters appear, tantalizing us into suspending our disbelief. Some magicians, including those I would like to think of as friends, do what they can with consummate skill, so that we attain a state of wonder while they effect transformations using ordinary things for extraordinary purposes. They make us inhabit parallel universes on a table top. There is a kind of poetry and grace in that kind of magic. That is the kind of magic that makes men out of god-men, and re-affirms even a non-patriot’s faith in the ‘waters of India’.

There is another kind of magic, a bag of tricks that relies on the cheapening of our impulses, on our addictions to false premises, on our giving in to our basest instincts. And because sometimes old cliches are useful, we could call this kind black magic. The greatest practitioner of this art, at this moment, seems to me to  be none other than the man who is setting himself up as the caudillo of the future, the chief minister of Gujarat, our prime-minister in waiting, Narendrabhai Damodardas Modi. We,a stunned would be electorate, are the rabbit he is aiming to pull out of his hat.

Magic works on simple principles, sleight of hand and sleight of mind, mainly to do with the magician doing the obvious under your nose, while you are distracted by his banter. Then, your expectations are played along, your fears, anxieties and desires are manipulated so that you see what the magician wants you to see, cleverly disguising what you overlooked while he did his thing.

One of the cleverest magic tricks is called Pepper’s Ghost – a nineteenth century technique for ‘materializing’ specters and apparitions on stage. Crucially, it requires the presence of chamber hidden in darkness, where an illusion can be staged and then reflected on to a revealed chamber – the stage -  adjoining it through cleverly angled twin mirrors. Sometimes, this effect is aided by generous amounts of smoke  – thereby giving us the expression – ‘smoke and mirrors’ -as shorthand for any elaborate con job.

What I am suggesting is simply this, NaMo Mamu, together with his extensive PR machinery, of which Madhu Mausi is now an important adjunct, is conducting a large scale Pepper’s Ghost-style Psy-Ops on the Indian electorate. I like to thinks of this as the Ghost of Uncle Pepper (If Madhu Mausi and NaMo Mamu, why not Uncle Pepper?)

This is not just a matter of NaMo being spectrally present and distributed (as he likes to be, through holographic projection in many places at once) but also a matter of the deliberate sleights of hand that produce the ‘lists’ of awards, distinctions and glowing testimonies to his regime.

What it conceals is a state that under-performs on many social indicators. (This has been highlighted in Kafila earlier, so I will not detail it here) What it concerns is the fact that the Modi government spends less than Goa or Karnataks on primary education, and administers some of the lowest minimum wages for agricultural and informal labour. All this while it claims to be generating huge amounts of revenue, through increased investment. If the investment is indeed as large as the Gujarat government claims it is, then the fact that the indicators of inequality are stable or rising means that in Gujarat, increased investment has not lead to a decrease in social inequalities. Is this the model of governance that Madhu Mausi wants for the rest of the country? That the rich grow richer, at the expense of everyone else?

The truth is, NaMo at the helm of the NDA is unlikely to come close to winning an absolute majority in the elections that will be held next year. If anything the mandate will be fractured giving neither the malgoverning UPA, nor the ambitious NDA, nor anyone else anything close to a shot at power by themselves. It is then that the jockeying for the minor players and parties will begin. A large faction of Corporate India, with its suitcases full of cash, emboldened by the kind of crony capitalism (the Adani-Ambani model of Public Private Partnership) that Modi presides over in Gujarat, will then make its bid. And if Namo Mamu wins, it will be because he, will have the backers with the fatter suitcase.

In that event, we will need many justifications to rationalize the sleight of hand that will bring NaMo into power. The Pepper’s Ghost spectacle that we are witnessing today, which seek to distract our attention from the darkness in Gujarat and direct it towards the bright lights that produce NaMo’s mirrored spectre is part of that game. Madhu Mausi, the magician’s faithful aide, is playing it, to the best of her ability.

Madhu Kishwar re-iterated her case for Narendra Modi and the ‘Gujarat Model of Development’ in a lengthy rejoinder to Zahir Janmohammed, which was published in Kafila (along with a response to the rejoinder by Janmohammed) last month.

In that text, Madhu Mausi (I am calling her Mausi, because she has tweeted about being more comfortable these days with people who, following ‘Bharatiya’ tradition, apply familial suffixes to women’s names, as a mark of their respect, rather than to those she considers to be ‘inauthentic’, deracinated feminists) has offered many reasons for why she thinks that Muslims in Gujarat have now decided to root for NaMo Mamu (if Madhu is Mausi, then, in the spirit of bhaichara, NaMo – Narendra Modi – must be Mamu, must he not? ). Part of her argument rests on what she did or did not see and hear in her walks and conversations in Ahmedabad, particularly in the Muslim neighborhood of Juhapura.

Kafila has carried responses to Madhu Mausi’s defense of NaMo Mamu by Aditya Nigam and Zahir Janmohammed and Dilip D’Souza.

My purpose is not to repeat the points that have been made in these other contributions, which have all been cogently argued. I intend to focus on the fact that in her defense of NaMo Mamu and the Gujarat Model of Development in Kafila, Madhu Mausi (other than her cheerful anecdotes about young women and men having cold drinks at night on the streets of Ahmedabad, and her observations born out of her ‘unguided’ tour of Juhapura) has basically one set of facts on offer. These are a long list of 21 awards, honors and distinctions that Gujarat has been lauded with in the past few years. I became curious about this long list of awards and laurels, and decided to try and find out what makes them so persuasive as evidence for the distinctions that Madhu Mausi claims for Gujarat.

United Nations Sasakawa Award in 2003 for outstanding work in the field of disaster management and risk reduction.

Best Investment Environment and Most Economic Freedom Award by India Today in 2005.

Best Bio State Award, 2007.

Rajiv Gandhi Wildlife Conservation Award 2006, by Ministry of Environment and Forest, Government of India.

E-governance award for the e-dhara project (aimed at computerization of land records).

CAPAM Gold Award from Commonwealth Associations for Innovation in Governance.

Asian Innovation Award in 2006 at Singapore from Wall Street Journal and the Financial Express for Chiranjeevi Yojana (initiative for reducing maternal and infant mortality rate)

India Tech Excellence Award in 2009 by India Tech Foundation for Power sector reforms and initiatives.

Nirmal Gram Award in 2010 to a village in Rajkot district in Gujarat by Government of India for sanitation facilities.

ELITEX 2007- Best E-government State Award from Government of India

Gujarat tops among 35 states of the country in Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan

Gujarat ranks 1st in the country in “Implementation of the 20 Point Programme” in 2010.

UNESCO Asia Pacific Heritage Award in 2005 for reconstruction of a Gurudwara damaged during the earthquake.

Modi was voted No. 1 Chief Minister by the people, thrice consecutively in five years in the India Today-ORG MARG Survey (a unique recognition ever achieved by any CM in the country)

Gujarat ranks No. 1 in The Economic Freedom Index instituted by Rajiv Gandhi Foundation in 2005. However, the then Director, Bibek Debroy was forced to resign from his post because the Congress High Command got enraged at an institution presided over by the Nehru Dynasty finding anything praiseworthy in Modi’s Gujarat.

United Nation Public Service Award in 2010 for its role in transforming the delivery of public services and attention to grievances by application of technology.

Innovation for India Award in 2010 in the public services category for “Jyotigram Yojana” for power and irrigation reform. The award was instituted by the Marico Innovation Foundation.

Gujarat Power Corporation Ltd bagged an award in the category of “Best Renewable Energy Project in India and the World for 2012” for its 214 MW solar park, the largest solar farm in Asia.

Award in “Top Investment and Infrastructure Excellent State in Energy and Power” category for 5 consecutive times since 2008 when the category was first introduced.

Scope Award by Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises, Government of India 2008

National Award for Excellence in Cost Management in 2007 by the Institute of Cost and Works Accountants of India.

National Award to Power Utilities of Gujarat in 2011 by Ministry of Power, Government of India.

Award for Excellence in 2007 by Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India.

This list of 21 honors is long and impressive. Until one begins looking at them closely. And then you realize that they are the kind of awards that state government bodies get from Central Government ministries and bodies and various national and international foundations and organizations. I looked at eight of these twenty one awards and realized the following.

The United Nations Sasakawa Award for Disaster Management and Preparedness which was won by the Gujarat State Disaster Management Authority in 2003 (the GSDMA was set up by Modi’s bete-noire Keshubhai Patel during his tenure as Gujarat CM in the wake of the Bhuj earthquake) was also won, for instance, by the Bhubaneshwar Municipal Corporation in 2011. And yet, no one is plugging Naveen Patnaik for the post of prime minister.

The Nirmal Gram Puraskar (awarded to villages and settlements which eradicate open defecation by the Ministry of Sanitation of the Government of India) was awarded not as Madhu Mausi says to a village in Rajkot district in Gujarat, but  to 2808 village panchayats all over india in 2010. Of these Gujarat accounted for 189, while Maharashtra accounted for 694, Madhya Pradesh accounted for 344, Tamil Nadu accounted for 237. If one looks at a break up of Nirmal Gram Puraskars across states from 2005 – 2011, then we get 9523 NGP awards for villages in Maharashtra, 2385 awards for villages in Tamil Nadu and 2281 awards for villages in Gujarat. As of 2011, Sikkim became the first state to be free of open defecation. Himachal Pradesh and Kerala are set to follow suit in 2012-13. No one is talking about the chief ministers of Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra or Tamil Nadu as potential prime ministerial candidates.

Madhu Mausi tells us that Gujarat ranks No. 1 in the The Economic Freedom Index instituted by the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation. This index is a measure of a state government’s willingness to go down the road of neo-liberal economic policies. It is not, and cannot be considered to be an index of choice or liberty for the general population, rather, it is often a measure of how clearly allied the policies of a state are to big corporations. However, even in this instance, the distinction is not Gujarat’s alone. Tamil Nadu, for instance has been ranked as No.1, not once, but twice in the same time period, in the same index, by the same organization. And yet, Madhu Mausi thinks that it is the chief minister of Gujarat and not of Tamil Nadu who should merit our attention.

The United Nations Public Service Award has been awarded not just to the Government of Gujarat, but also to the Government of Kerala and Delhi on different occasions in recent years. But Oommen Chandy or Shiela Dikshit do not quite cut it for Madhu Mausi in the same way as NaMo Mamu does.

The Innovation for India award instituted by the Marico Foundation was given to the Government of Gujarat for its Jyoti Gram Yojana, but it had already been given earlier to the Government of Kerala for its Kudumbashree Programme, begun while the LDF under E.K. Nayanar was in power in Kerala.

Madhu Mausi tells us that Gujarat Power Corporation Ltd bagged an award in the category of “Best Renewable Energy Project in India and the World for 2012” for its 214 MW solar park, the largest solar farm in Asia. What she does not tell us is who gave the award, and perhaps why. The award is actually the ENERTIA award, given by ENERTIA a trade journal in the power sector. The journal and the award are both backed by Patel Engineering Ltd. a Mumbai based Engineering firm. In 2007-08, Patel Engineering acquired 96% stakes in Patel Energy, which then entered into an MOU with the Gujarat Power Corporation, Government of Gujarat for establishing a 1,200 MW imported coal-power based power project in Ghogha, Bhavnagar. The ENERTIA award looks more like a quid-pro-quo, by way of recognition for services rendered (apparently) in renewable energy in exchange of a generous contract in fossil fuel based non-renewable energy.

Madhu Mausi informs us that the Government of Gujarat won an Award of Excellence presented by the Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India. That is true, so did many other state governments and bodies over the years. For instance, the Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation won it in one year. But no one now thinks of the now disgraced Yedurappa, or any other recent Karnataka Chief Minister as a potential Prime Ministerial Candidate.

I have taken just eight of the 21 ‘honors’ that Madhu Mausi lists, to demonstrate how hollow her claims are, and the information that I have found on them is readily available in the Public Domain, barely a few google-clicks away. If they are so inclined, insomniac Kafila readers can go through the remaining 13 honors to see what they are worth. Some may want to go a step further and Google some more and find out that every state wins many such awards every year. Perhaps that would give us a better indication of the distance that remains between illusion and reality when it comes to Madhu Mausi, Namo Mamu and Gujarat.

 

Narendra Modi- Can’t get away with murder #ishratjahan


June 18, 2013

Manoj Joshi, The Hindu

MISSING LINKS:Officers of forensic and intelligence agencies reconstructing the Ishrat Jahan encounter case on the outskirts of Ahmedabad. —PHOTO: PTI

MISSING LINKS:Officers of forensic and intelligence agencies reconstructing the Ishrat Jahan encounter case on the outskirts of Ahmedabad. —PHOTO: PTI

The Ishrat Jahan encounter case is like the proverbial can of worms whose contents have already spilled out. Not only has it shone the spotlight on the ruthless and, possibly, illegal manner in which the police and intelligence agencies fight terrorism, it has also exposed the Narendra Modi government’s poor record of managing the Gujarat police. And now, it has created schisms within the State police force, and between the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

At the outset, some plain facts: first, fake “encounter killings” — the term used for extrajudicial execution of criminals and alleged terrorists by the police — are not unique to Gujarat. Hundreds of them take place across the country and the policemen involved are often feted as “encounter specialists” whereas, in fact, what they specialise in is the cold-blooded and completely illegal executions of unarmed persons.

Second, there is no exemption for anyone in India’s security set-up to carry out extra-judicial executions. In other words, there is no Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) which indemnifies the State police, politicians or Central intelligence officials from killing alleged terrorists without judicial due process.

To harm Modi

Writing on his website earlier this month, the BJP leader, Arun Jaitley, reiterated the Gujarat police account that the Ishrat group was out to assassinate Mr. Modi and, based on information provided by the IB, it was intercepted and its four members killed in the encounter; after backing the State police version, the Union government changed tack and was now trying to use the case to attack the BJP.

A few “disgruntled police officials” formed the core of the CBI’s case and an effort was being made to target BJP ministers like Amit Shah and Gulab Chand Kataria of Rajasthan with the eventual aim of hitting at Mr. Modi. Now, the Union government had taken it a step further by undermining the IB in its pernicious campaign to harm Mr. Modi and the BJP.

Mr. Jaitley, also the former Union Law Minister during National Democratic Alliance rule, has not said much about the other extra-judicial killings in Gujarat. A Supreme Court mandated Special Task Force headed by a retired Justice H.S. Bedi is investigating 16 encounters that took place between 2003-2006 in Gujarat. In most of the encounters, those killed were alleged to be targeting Mr. Modi and other top BJP ministers in the State. This was the accusation against Sameer Khan Pathan, Sadiq Jamal, Mahendra Jadav, Ganesh Khunte, Sohrabuddin Sheikh, Tulsi Prajapati, Ishrat Jahan, Javed Sheikh (aka Pranesh Pillai), Zeeshan Johar and Amjad Ali Rana. It is another story that most were petty criminals and there is no real evidence that they were out to kill Mr. Modi.

As for Ishrat and her companions, there is considerable mystery about their antecedents and how they came together. As Mr. Jaitley points out, the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) journal, Ghazwa Times , acknowledged her as a cadre, and later withdrew its claim. News leaks claim that the LeT operative, David Coleman Headley (Daood Gilani), had told the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) that Ishrat had been recruited by the LeT and that this fact had been communicated to the Indian intelligence, or the National Intelligence Agency (NIA). But there is no reference to Ishrat in the NIA’s report of Headley which was made available to the media and which did have some references to other LeT plots that Headley was aware of. There is something to the issue though since G.K. Pillai, the Union Home Secretary in 2009, acknowledged an affidavit of his ministry to the Gujarat High Court that said there was intelligence information that Ishrat and her companions were terror suspects. More recently, in 2011, Mr. Pillai had reiterated that he stood by the IB tip that linked Ishrat Jahan to an LeT module.

But whether or not Ishrat and her group were terrorists is not the issue. What the Gujarat police officials are being charged with is extra-judicial killing. There are no exemptions in the law for carrying out fake encounters even if the targets are terrorists. The IB is not exempt from the operation of the law of the land either. Mr. Jaitley, of all people, should know that only the judiciary has the right to order an execution, and, after due process.

The ugly truth is that the Gujarat government cynically used the instrument of extra-judicial executions to burnish their own anti-Muslim credentials. In the process, their police officials and, possibly, their ministers, have broken the law. The behaviour of Gujarat police officers such as D.G. Vanzara among others was perhaps most brazen because of the protection they felt that they had from the then Home minister Amit Shah, and, possibly, Mr. Modi. Murder is a very grave charge, and it is far more serious when those accused of it are officials or ministers of the government sworn to uphold the law of the land. Whether or not the police officials who have given the CBI evidence of the wrongdoings of the Gujarat police officers are disgruntled doesn’t really matter. What matters is the truth, and the legal consequences thereafter.

Then there is the issue of the IB. Whether or not Rajendra Kumar, the IB Joint Director in Gujarat, crossed a legal threshold can only be determined through further investigation, and may eventually have to be dealt with by the courts. But there has been something deeply disturbing about the manner in which India’s internal intelligence agency has worked on some terrorism cases in the past. There are several incidents — the Ansal Plaza “encounter” of 2002, or the 2006 attack on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters, to name just two — which appear to have been staged for domestic political effect, rather than any other purpose. Incidentally, one of the incidents was during the rule of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and the other, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA).

Independent body

There are no independent means of verifying whether the IB stays within the red lines of the law when it gathers intelligence information or processes and forwards it to State police forces because there is no oversight mechanism to ensure that. Alone among the democracies, India keeps its intelligence agencies away from parliamentary oversight and, indeed, there is little or no internal oversight either. Likewise, short of recourse to the courts, there are no means available to the citizen to take up the issue of police excesses. The result is the persistence of a culture of impunity among the police and intelligence authorities.

Hopefully, on the issue of the Gujarat extra-judicial killings, the courts will weigh the evidence that the SIT and CBI have gathered. Those accused will have the opportunity to respond, and the courts will weigh the evidence and pronounce their verdict. But given the gravity of the charges, there must be some greater takeaway for our security set-up. First, there is the need for a mechanism to ensure that charges of police excesses are quickly investigated and dealt with. Second, terrorism or no terrorism, the intelligence agencies of the country need to function within the law, and this is not something that can be done on the basis of self-certification, but a fact established through an independent, internal inspectorate, as well as a larger parliamentary oversight system.

(Manoj Joshi is Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation and a member of the National Security Task Force 2011-2012, whose recommendations are before the Cabinet Committee on Security.)

The new twists in the Ishrat Jahan encounter case highlight the need for parliamentary oversight of intelligence agencies

 

Press Release- Around 10,000 farmers from 44 affected villages march against the Mandal-Becharaji Special Investment Region(SIR) #Gujarat


Jameen Adhikar Andolan – Gujarat (JAAG)

A-302, Sharan Residency-1, Near Lohana Chhatralaya, Vasna, Ahmedabad

Contact: Lalji Desai 9727589344 Sagar Rabari 9409307693

 

 

Date: 18th June 2013

 

PRESS NOTE

 

An organised, disciplined protest against the Mandal-Bechraji SIR

 

More than 10,000 men and women in 500 tractors, 50-60 motor cycles, 10 mini-trucks and 50 four-wheeled vehicles descend into Gandhinagar to express their anger

 

Government efforts to break the movement fail

 

The government projects on the one hand that the people are happy with the Mandal-Bechraji SIR announcement. On the other hand, the government and its representatives Ms. Anandiben Patel, Mr. Nitin Patel and Mr. Saurabh Patel, Mr. Bhupendrasinh Chudasma and the Secretary to the CM Mr. A.K. Sharma were compelled to invite representatives of the anti-SIR movement to the Circuit House in Gandhinagar on the morning of 17th June 2013. The government’s enthusiasm to meet with the representatives of the people shows that the movement is succeeding. However, the pronouncements of the government representatives signifying nothing have left the people disappointed.

 

The government also tried unsuccessfully to stall the people’s plan for a peaceful Tractor Rally to Gandhinagar on the 18th of June. Unprecedented police arrangements were made, since the night of 17th, on the entire rally route. The people were made to go from one office to another, one block to another to secure permission for the rally route. Despite all of this, the people assembled by 8 a.m. on 18th and the rally commenced from village Vithlapur at 8.30 a.m. There were 500 tractors, 50-60 motorcycles, 10 mini-trucks and 50 4-wheelers in the entire rally. On the entire rally route one could hear slogans like “Tell SIR, no Sir”, “Remove SIR, save agriculture”, “The village land belongs to the village, not to the government” and “We will give up our lives, not our land”. The government also tried to enforce a change in the rally route but seeing the turnout of the people and their anger, they let the rally pass on the pre-determined route.

 

Several state and national-level movements and organisations have lent their support and solidarity to this movement. Those in support include Gujarat Lok Samiti, Gujarat Sarvodaya Mandal, PUCL, Bhavnagar District Gram Bachao Samiti, National Alliance of People’s Movement (NAPM), Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti, AWAG, Gujarat Khet Vikas Parishad, Paryavaran Mitra, Paryavaran Santri, Bandhara Bachao Andolan – Mahuva, Kinara Bachao Andolan – Umargaon, Lok Andolan Gujarat, Jyoti Karmachari Mandal, Vadodara Kamdar Union, Documentation and Study Centre for Action, SUCI, Radical Socialist – Gujarat, Gram Vikas Trust – Dwarka, New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI), Lok Sangharsh Samiti, Gujarat Anumukti Andolan, apart from many individuals.

 

The Revenue Minister Ms. Anandiben Patel invited the representatives of 44 villages in the agitation to meet her this evening. At the time of writing this, the representatives were in talks with the Minister.

 

This project, being anti-farmers and unconstitutional, it poses an intellectual, organisational, legal and constitutional challenge to the GoG. The organisational strength has forced the government to concede, rather unwillingly, that this is an organisation and not a mob.

 

The rally finally converged in the Andolan Chhavni in Gandhinagar. The meeting was being managed by a well-known activist of Gujarat Mr. Raju Purohit, and was addressed by, among others, Dr. Kanubhai Kalsariya, former Finance Minister of Gujarat Mr. Sanat Mehta, Mr. Y. K. Alagh, Jayesh Patel of Olpad anti-SIR movement, Lalji Desai, Mr. Rajni Dave of Bhumiputra, and the letters of support and solidarity from noted Gandhians Shri Narayan Desai and Shri Chunibhai Vaidya were also read out.

 

This meeting has demonstrated its resolution and firmness to oppose such anti-people projects of the government. This rally is the first public statement of the movement, where people, in one voice, made their anger and protest clear. The meeting ended with people taking a pledge to not part with even an inch of their land. It is hoped that the government heeds the warning of the people else this movement will gather strength and become more widespread.

 

Jameen Adhikar Andolan – Gujarat

Village

Representative

Village

Representative

Hansalpur Ajmalbhai thakor Vanpardi Bharatbhai laxman bhai patel
Sitapur Kanubhai Bharwad Dalod Dhanshyam bhai patel
zanzarwa Mayankbhai Vinjhvada Manubhai/nattubhai
Nayakpur Nayanbhai patel Varmor Pawra sahvdevbhai
Vinchand Prabotbhai bhawanbhai patel Dekawada Kadubha
Jhanlisada Thakor ranchodjee kamajee Ratanpura Nattubha
Dhadana Kathuba Nana karanpura Nattubhai
ooghroj Saman sinh Kanjh Amaratbhai
Vasna (kunnpur) Amarat bhai Rampura Kunwarsinh bhai
Oogrojpura Sarpanch shri Shihor Hasmukhbhai ambalal patel
Kunnpur Prahladbhai govindbhai patel Navyani Bhawojee thakor
Alampura Ashwinbhai Manawada Kadubhai thakor
Susiya Merajee thakor Gosanda Pratapbhai thakor
Valevada Prabhujee thakor Chatrot Jeevanbhai
Vanod Narangbhai/ashokbhai Panwa Rashikhbhai
Aerwada Ghanshyambhai Bunbwana Motibhai
Aeswada Sukhdevbhai Vandgam Kaushik

 

For more information

Lalji Desai                                                                                                       Sagar Rabari

 

 

Stop Press:- Revenue Minister Anandiben Patel, accepted the memorandum of the representatives of the movement, but had nothing to say on behalf of Gujarat Government.


PRESS NOTE

 

તારીખ – ૧૮/૬/૨૦૧૩

 

  • આખા ગુજરાતને ઔધોગિક વસાહત  GIDC બનાવવા નીકળેલી સરકાર લોકોના આંદોલનને દબાવવાના તમામ નિષ્ફળ પ્રયાસો કરવા બે દિવસથી કામે લાગી છે.
  • માંડલ બેચરાજી સર સામે લોકોનો વિરોધ નથી તેમ દર્શાવવા નિષ્ફળ પ્રયાસો ગુજરાત સરકાર કરી રહી છે.
  • સર નો વિરોધ કરતાં લોકો ટોળામાં નહીંપણ ૫૦૦ જેટલા ટ્રેક્ટરો, ૫૦-૬૦ મોટર સાઈકલો, ૧૦ મીનીટ્રક, અને આશરે ૫૦ ફોર વ્હીલ વાહનોમાં ૧૦૦૦૦ થી વધુ ખેડૂતો બહેનો-ભાઈઓ એક સંગઠન તરીકે ઉમટી પડ્યા હતા

 

 

એક તરફ લોકો માંડલ – બેચરાજીના ‘સર’થી ખુશ હોય અને તેમણે કોઈ વાંધો ના હોય તેવો ભ્રમ પેદા કરવાની કોશિશ અને બીજી તરફ લોકોના વાંધા અને આક્રોશને કારણે ગુજરાત સરકારના મુખ્યમંત્રી પછીની હરોળના મંત્રીઓ આનંદીબેન પટેલ, નિતિનભાઈ પટેલ, સૌરભભાઈ પટેલ, ભૂપેન્દ્રસિંહ ચુડાસમા અને મુખ્યમંત્રીના સચિવ એ.કે.શર્માએ ૪૪ ગામના કેટલાક વ્યક્તિઓ સાથે સામેથી ગામના લોકોને આમંત્રણ આપી ગાંધીનગર સર્કિટ હાઉસમાં મીટિંગ કરવાની તા. ૧૭/૮/૨૦૧૩ને સોમવારના રોજ ફરજ પડી હતી. લોકોને મળવાની સરકારમાં ઊભી થયેલી આ તાલાવેલી દર્શાવે છે કે લોકોનો વિરોધ, આક્રોશ અને જનઆંદોલન અસરકારક બની રહ્યા છે. ૨ કલાક ચાલેલી મિટિંગમાં ભાગ લીધેલ વ્યક્તિઓને સરકારની ગોળ-ગોળ વાતોથી નિરાશા થઈ હતી.

 

ગુજરાત સરકારે એક તરફ લોકો સાથે વાત કરવાનું નાટક અને બીજી તરફ લોકો દ્વારા લોકશાહી ઢબે પોતાનો વિરોધ દર્શાવવા તા. ૧૮/૬/૨૦૧૩ના રોજ આયોજીત ટ્રેક્ટર રેલી જે વિઠલાપુર, સચાણા, સાણંદ, થઈ સરખેજ, પ્રહલાદનગર, માણેકબગ, મીઠાખળી, આશ્રમ રોડ, ગાંધી આશ્રમ  થઈ  ગાંધીનગર ગઈ હતી તેને રોકવાના એનકેન પ્રકારે નિષ્ફળ પ્રયાસો કર્યા હતા.

 

ગુજરાતને ઔધ્યોગિક વસાહત GIDC બનાવવા નીકળેલી ગુજરાત સરકારે ૨૦૦૯માં ‘The Special Investment Region (SIR) Act, 2009’ કાયદો પસાર કર્યો છે. આ કાયદો ભારતના બંધારણની વિરુદ્ધનો અને ઉદ્યોગો માટે ખેતીની જમીનો કોઈ પણ રીતે સંપાદિત કરી શકાય તે માટેનો કાયદો છે. આ કાયદો પોતે એ વાતનો સ્વીકાર કરે છે કે, ખેતી લાયક, ગૌચર અને અન્ય જમીનો કોઈ પણ રીતે ઉદ્યોગો માટે, “વિકાસ”ના નામે સંપાદિત કરી શકાય તે માટેનો કાયદો છે.

 

ગુજરાતમાં અંજાર, સાંથલપુર, વિરમગામ, માંડલ-બેચરાજી, ઓખા, નવલખી, ચાંગોદર, સિમર, ધોલેરા, હાલોલ-સાવલી, પીપાવાવ, દહેજ અને આલિયાબેટમાં ‘સર’વિસ્તાર જાહેર કરેલ છે.

માંડલ-બેચરાજી સર વિસ્તારમાં અમદાવાદ, સુરેન્દ્રનગર, અને મહેસાણા જિલ્લાના કુલ ૪૪ ગામોની (A. અમદાવાદ જિલ્લો, મંડળ તાલુકો – ૧. હાંસલપૂર  (બેચરાજી)– ૮૬૩.૯૬૮૦ હેક્ટર, ૨. સીતાપુર – ૩૬૭૨.૭૨૬૭ હેક્ટર, ૩. ઝાંજરવા – ૮૧૪.૬૫૭૧ હેક્ટર, ૪. આનંદપુરા – ૨૮૯.૩૫૨૨ હેક્ટર, ૫. નાયકપુર – ૧૦૫૦.૭૭૧૯ હેક્ટર,વીંછણ – ૫૩૬.૬૨૭૦, ૭. જાલીસણા – ૧૬૯૯.૦૦૧૬ હેક્ટર, ડઢાણા – ૧૮૯૯.૬૯૯૫ હેક્ટર, ૯. વિઠલાપુર – ૨૨૪૧.૧૦૧૮ હેક્ટર, ૧૦. ઉંઘરોજ – ૧૪૨૪.૮૩૫૧ હેક્ટર,૧૧. વાસણા-કુણપુર – ૫૬૩.૯૨૨૫ હેક્ટર, ૧૨. ઉંઘરોજપુરા – ૬૩૭.૯૦૮૯ હેક્ટર, ૧૩. ઉકરડી – ૮૫૬.૬૮૩૫ હેક્ટર, ૧૪. કુણપુર – ૧૧૮૦.૬૬૧૭ હેક્ટર, ૧૫. વનપરડી– ૮૩૧.૭૦૪૫ હેક્ટર, ૧૬. દાલોદ – ૧૯૧૫.૪૩૮૪ હેક્ટર, ૧૭. વિંઝુવાડા – ૧૬૫૭.૦૯૬૭ હેક્ટર, ૧૮. વરમોર – ૨૧૯૯.૨૭૭૦ હેક્ટર, ૧૯. માનપુરા – ૫૪૦.૧૦૬૦ હેક્ટર, B. જિલ્લો અમદાવાદ, તાલુકો દેત્રોજ – ૨૦. દેકાવાડા – ૧૩૮૩.૭૦૯૧ હેક્ટર, ૨૧. ઉમેદપુરા – ૨૦૭.૮૨૭૫ હેક્ટર, ૨૨. સદાતપુરા – ૧૦૩૧.૨૪૭૮ હેક્ટર, ૨૩. રતનપુરા – ૧૧૯.૪૮૯ હેક્ટર, ૨૪. ભગાપુરા – ૧૨૪૩.૧૬૯૭ હેક્ટર, ૨૫. નાના કરણપુરા – ૧૯૪.૨૦૯૭ હેક્ટર, ૨૬. મોટા કરણપુરા – ૧૩૨.૦૬૯૭ હેક્ટર, ૨૭. કાંઝ –૧૬૨૩.૬૩૮૭ હેક્ટર, ૨૮. છનીયાર – ૧૨૭૯.૪૮૧૯ હેક્ટર, ૨૯. રામપુરા – ૮૪૫.૭૩૦૬ હેક્ટર, ૩૦. ઘટીસણા – ૩૮૧.૨૫૬૬ હેક્ટર, ૩૧. સિહોર – ૯૫૩.૯૧૦૨ હેક્ટર,C. જિલ્લો સુરેન્દ્રનગર, તાલુકો – દસાડા-પાટડી – ૩૨. નાવીયાણી – ૧૫૦૭.૮૧૫૦ હેક્ટર, ૩૩. માનાવાડા – ૫૮૬.૯૦૮૨ હેક્ટર, ૩૪. ગોસાણા – ૬૩૭.૬૮૬૩ હેક્ટર,૩૫. સુસિયા – ૧૭૬૫.૫૭૦૬ હેક્ટર, ૩૬. વાલેવડા – ૧૧૨૩.૦૩૮૨ હેક્ટર, ૩૭. વણોદ – ૩૯૨૫.૫૪૯૭ હેક્ટર, ૩૮. આલમપુરા – ૭૩૪.૦૫૨૫ હેક્ટર, ૩૯. એરવાડા –૫૬૦.૦૪૭૦ હેક્ટર, ૪૦. એછવાડા – ૧૧૯૬.૪૫૮૬ હેક્ટર, ૪૧. છત્રોટ – ૭૬૧.૧૪૬૪ હેક્ટર, ૪૨. પાનવા – ૨૨૦૪.૦૬૯૮ હેક્ટર, ૪૩. બબૂવાણા – ૧૦૮૭.૪૩૫૮ હેક્ટર,D. જિલ્લો મહેસાણા, તાલુકો બેચરાજી – ૪૪. ચાંદણકી – ૫૨૪.૨૧૭૬ હેક્ટર – આ ગામોના તમામ સર્વે નંબર ની કુલ જમીન – ૫૦૮૮૪.૮૩૬૨ હેક્ટર)[1]  ૫૦,૮૮૪ હેક્ટર જમીન ઉદ્યોગો માટે આંચકી લેવા ગુજરાત સરકાર કામે લાગી છે. આ વિસ્તારની ફરતે ૩ કી.મી.ના ‘બફર ઝોન’ વિસ્તારને ઉમેરીએ તો ગામોની સંખ્યા લગભગ ૭૦ સુધી પહોંચે અને ૭૦,૦૦૦ હેક્ટર કરતાં વધારે જમીન અસરગ્રસ્ત થશે. આ સરમાં આટોમોબાઇલ ઉદ્યોગ, ટ્રાન્સપોર્ટ, આઇ.ટી. ઝોન, રીક્રિએશન ઝોન વગેરે નું આયોજન છે.

 

તા. ૧૭/૬/૨૦૧૩ સોમવાર રાતથી રેલીના આખા રૂટપર જાણે મુખ્યમંત્રી નીકળવાના હોય અને સુરક્ષાની વ્યવસ્થા ગોઠવવામાં આવી હોય તેમ પોલીસ ખડકી દેવામાં આવી છે. પોલીસ પરમીશન માટે પણ કાર્યકર્તાઓને એક પોલીસ સ્ટેશનમાંથી બીજા પોલીસ સ્ટેશનમાં અને એક જિલ્લામાંથી બીજા જીલ્લામાં ધક્કા ખવડાવવામાં આવ્યા હતા. આ તમામ પ્રયાસો છતાં ગામના લોકો મક્કમપણે સવારે ૬ વાગ્યાથી ૫૦૦ જેટલા ટ્રેક્ટરો, ૫૦-૬૦ મોટર સાઈકલો, ૧૦ મીનીટ્રક, અને આશરે ૫૦ ફોર વ્હીલ વાહનોમાં ૮૦૦૦ થી વધુ ખેડૂતો બહેનો-ભાઈઓ ઉમટી પડ્યા હતા. રેલી સવારે ૮-૩૦ ના વિઠલાપુરથી રવાના થઈ હતી. રેલી નો આખો રસ્તો  - ‘સર’ને કહો ‘નો સર’ , માંડલ – બેચરાજી સર હટાઓ ખેતી બચાવો, ગામની જમીન ગામની સરકારની નહીં, જાન દેગે, જમીન નહીં ના પોકારો સાથે ગુંજી ઉઠ્યો હતો.

 

જમીન અધિકાર આંદોલન ગુજરાતનાં ટેકામાં રાજ્ય અને દેશના જનસંગઠનો – ગુજરાત લોક સમિતિ, ગુજરાત સર્વોદય મંડળ, PUCL, ભાવનગર જિલ્લા ગ્રામ બચાવ સમિતિ, નેશનલ એલાયન્સ ઓફ પીપલ્સ મુવમેંટ (NAPM), પર્યાવરણ સુરક્ષા સમિતિ, અવાજ, ખેત વિકાસ પરિષદ, પર્યાવરણ મિત્ર, પર્યાવરણ સંત્રી, બંધારા બચાવ આંદોલન – મહુવા, કિનારા બચાવ આંદોલન – ઉમરગામ, લોક આંદોલન ગુજરાત, જ્યોતિ કર્મચારી મંડળ, વડોદરા કામદાર યુનિયન, ડોક્યુમેંટેશન એન્ડ સ્ટડિ સેંટર ફોર એક્શન, SUCI, રેડિકલ સોશિયાલિસ્ટ – ગુજરાત, ગ્રામ વિકાસ ટ્રસ્ટ – દ્વારકા, NTUI, લોક સંઘર્ષ સમિતિ, ગુજરાત અણુમુક્તિ આંદોલનના અને અન્ય અનેક કાર્યકરો પણ આંદોલનના ટેકામાં જોડાયા હતા.

 

તા. ૧૭/૬/૨૦૧૩ સોમવાર ના રોજ લોકોના પ્રશ્નો સાંભળવાનું નાટક કરનાર મંત્રીઓએ આજ રોજ રેલી સ્વરૂપે અગાઉથી જણાવીને માંડલ-બેચરાજી સર વિસ્તારના ૪૪ ગામના ૧૦,૦૦૦ લોકોના પ્રતિનિધિ મંડળને આનંદીબેને મળવા બોલાવ્યા હતા. આ પ્રેસ નોટ લખતા સમયે મંત્રીશ્રી પ્રતિનિધિ મંડળ સાથે વાટાઘાટો કરી રહ્યા છે.

 

આ આખો પ્રોજેકટ ખેતી વિરોધી, ભારતના બંધારણનો છેદ ઉડાડનારું હોવાથી તેની સામે વૈચારિક, સંગઠનાત્મક, કાયદાકીય, બંધારણીય સંઘર્ષનો સામનો કરવા ગુજરાત સરકારને પડકાર છે.

 

સરકારની ઈચ્છા અમદાવાદ ખાતેની સાણંદ ચોકડી થી ખેડૂત રેલી નો રૂટ બદલવાની હતી, પરંતુ સરકારને ખેડૂત સંગઠન અને તેની સંગઠન શક્તિનો ખ્યાલ આવતા રેલીનો રૂટ બદલવાનું માંડવાળ કરવું પડ્યું હતું.

 

 

 

રેલી તેના જાહેર કરેલ રૂટ પ્રમાણેજ શાંતિ અને શિસ્તપૂર્વક આગળ ધપી હતી.

 

આ રેલી તેના સૂત્રો અને સંગઠનાત્મક શક્તિનો પરચો બતાવતી હોવાથી, ગુજરાત સરકારે કમને એક વાતનો સ્વીકાર કરવો પડ્યો હતો કે, “ આ લોકોનું ટોળું નથી, પણ લોકોનું સંગઠન છે”.

 

રેલી અંતે ગાંધીનગર સેક્ટર ૬ ખાતે ઉપવાસી છાવણીના મેદાન માં સભામાં પરિવર્તિત થઈ હતી. લોકોએ આ સભાને, ‘જાન દેગે જમીન નહીં’, જેવા નારા થી ગાજવી મૂકી હતી. આ સભાનું સંચાલન ગુજરાતનાં જાણીતા કર્મશીલ, રાજુભાઈ પુરોહિતએ કર્યું હતું. આ સભાને માંડલ-બેચરાજી સર થી અસરગ્રસ્ત ૪૪ ગામના પ્રતિનિધિઓએ તથા નિરમા આંદોલનના ડો. કનુભાઈ કલસરિયા, ગુજરાતનાં માજી નાણાંમંત્રી સનતભાઈ મેહતા, વાય.કે. અલગ, ઓલપાડ સર સામેના આંદોલનના જયેશભાઈ પટેલ, લાલજીભાઈ દેસાઇ, ભૂમિપુત્રના સંપાદક રજનીભાઇ દવે, અને જાણીતા ગાંધીવાદી વિચારક નારાયણભાઈ દેસાઈ અને સર્વોદય અગ્રણી ચુનીભાઈ વૈદ્ય નો લેખિત શુભેચ્છા સંદેશ વાંચવામાં આવ્યો હતો.

 

આ સભાએ સરકારને પોતાનો સ્પષ્ટ, મક્કમ, વિગતો, મુદાઓ અને નીતિ વિષયક વાંધાઓ સાથેનો પોતાનો વિરોધ રજૂ કર્યો હતો. આ મુદ્દે જાહેરમાં તથ્યો અને વિગતો સાથે સમાજ અને પત્રકારોની હાજરીમાં ચર્ચા કરવા આવાહન આપેલ. આ રેલી અને દેખાવ આંદોલનની શરૂવાત નું પ્રથમ પગલું હતું. લોકોએ એકી અવાજે પોતાની એક ઇંચ પણ જમીન નહીં આપવાનો જાહેર સંકલ્પ કર્યો હતો.

 

છેલ્લે “અભિ તો યે અંગડાઇ હૈ આગે ઔર લડાઈ હૈ” ના મક્કમ નિર્ધાર સાથે સભા પૂરી થઈ હતી. સરકાર સાનમાં વિગતો સાથેની રાજુવત અને વિકાસની સાચી દિશા સમજે તો સારું, નહીં તો આ આંદોલન વધુ ઉગ્ર અને વ્યાપક બનશે.

 

જમીન અધિકાર આંદોલન ગુજરાત


[1] Gujarat Government Gazette – Ex.6-10-2012, [PART-IX]- notification under The Gujarat Special Investment Region Act, 2009, dated-24 September, 2012