One-third of Gujarat MLAs face criminal cases, including rape #Vaw


Ahmedabad, December 25, 2012Darshan Desai, The Hindu

Modi confidant and former MoS (Home) Amit Shah faces two charges of kidnapping and wrongful confinement, two of murder, and one of kidnapping to murder, among others.
PTI
Modi confidant and former MoS (Home) Amit Shah faces two charges of kidnapping and wrongful confinement, two of murder, and one of kidnapping to murder, among others.

 Some 57 Members of Legislative Assembly elected by Gujarat in the December polls face criminal charges, including that of rape and murder, while nearly three-fourth of them are crorepatis, up from 31 per cent in the 2007 elections, according to data analysed by the Gujarat Election Watch.

The data shows that one-third of MLAs belonging to the Congress as well as the BJP have declared criminal cases.

The top three richest MLAs are from the Congress with Balvantsinh Rajput from Sidhpur constituency having assets worth Rs. 268 crore, followed by Rajguru Indranil from Rajkot East with Rs. 122 crore and Pethalji Chavda from Manavadar constituency with assets worth Rs. 82.90 crore.

Of the 57 MLAs facing cases, charges have been framed against 35 MLAs for various crimes and 24 face serious offences. In 2007, 47 MLAs had criminal charges against them.

BJP MLA from Shehra constituency in Panchmahals district Jetha Bharwad, who had allegedly opened fire and injured four people at Tarsang village during polling on December 17 and was detained by the police, has a charge of kidnapping and inducing a woman to compel her for marriage, and two others of rape and extortion. Bharward, a former suspended police constable, faces a case of forgery. The MLA has not been convicted so far.

Janata Dal (United) strongman from tribal constituency of Jhagadia in South Gujarat’s Bharuch district Chhotu Vasava has 28 cases against him, including nine of dacoity, seven theft and three murder. Charges have been framed in 28 cases.

BJP veteran from North Gujarat Shankar Chaudhary has three murder cases. He won from Vav constituency.

A Modi confidant and former MoS (Home) Amit Shah faces two charges of kidnapping and wrongful confinement, two of murder, and one of kidnapping to murder, among others.

UIDAI cancels 3.84 lakh fake #Aadhaar numbers #UID #facepalm


200 px

200 px (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

 

 

 

New Delhi, December 25, 2012, HT

 

 

 

Some have managed to beat the so-called unbeatable Unique Identification (UID) system and got fake Aadhaar numbers generated raising security concerns over UPA‘s new UID based governance model.

 

 

 

 

 

lakh Aadhaar numbers of the total 4.10 lakh generated under the biometric exception clause.

 

The Aadhaar agencies are allowed to enroll people without proper finger-prints or iris under the biometric exception clause. In this, the agencies are required to provide photographs of the non-existent biometrics along with demographic details of the enrollers.

 

 

The biometric exception was incorporated to make Aadhaar truly inclusive identification generation process as there was highly level of exclusion in other systems such as ration cards. But, the agencies exploited the clause to make some pass money as for each successful enrollment and generation of Aadhaar number, the agency got Rs. 50.

 

 

It was business as usual for UIDAI till a large number of Aadhaar letters in Andhra Pradesh remained undelivered. “Most of the 45,000 undelivered Aadhaar letters in Andhra were under the exception clause. It hinted that something was wrong,” a senior UIDAI official said. Further scrutiny revealed that of 48.80 lakh Aadhaar generated in Andhra, 2.30 lakh were false and were subsequently cancelled.

 

 

With the lid blown off, similar instance cropped in other states. A Delhi government official said, who reported around 13,000 fraudulent enrollments to UIDAI, said the biometric exception was introduced for people with high level of disabilities but it was frequently used raising a question over credibility of Aadhaar numbers.

 

 

The UIDAI admitted of similar high number of fake Aadhaar numbers from Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Tripura and Uttar Pradesh in a reply to Lok Sabha.

 

 

The authority also found of the total Aadhaar generated under this clause, only 22,195 were found to be genuine. Another 6,600 Aadhaar numbers are under investigation.

 

 

For enrollment of around 90 crore residents in subsequent phases, the UIDAI has asked agencies not to opt for biometric exception without approval from a senior, preferably a government official. The UPA govern

 

 

#India-Jharkhand: Muffling dissent #Aparnamarandi #Dayamanibarla


 

MANOB CHOWDHURY 

Aparna Marandiwith her son in Ranchi after Frontline-, Dec 2012

JHARKHAND is leading from the front to shackle the many democratic people’s movements which have raised their voices against private mining and land acquisition in the State. In an unprecedented move, the State police, in late November and December, arrested several civil rights activists who have been leading the anti-mining struggle with the support of displaced tribal people

On December 8, Aparna Marandi, a long-time Dalit rights activist who has exposed many scams, including the high-profile Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme scam, and has led many demonstrations against land acquisition, was arrested on false charges, some activists say. Aparna, along with her infant son and three other activists, was arrested for her involvement in two different protests, the first of which was held six years ago and the second on November 30.

In custody, Aparna and the other activists were allegedly forced to sign forged documents and were presented before a magistrate only on December 10.

In a similar incident on November 24, the police arrested prominent anti-mining activist Xavier Dias and five of his colleagues for their alleged role in leading a protest against the Tata’s iron ore mine in Noamundi in the West Singbhum district of the State 21 years ago.  These are the latest in a spate of arrests, starting with the booking of another civil rights activist, Dayamani Barla. She was leading a protest against land acquisition in Nagri village near Ranchi on October 16 when she was detained in connection with a six-year-old case. Her bail plea has been rejected thrice by the Ranchi High Court.

The arrests were noticed only when they started to happen in an orchestrated way in the space of a month and for no immediate reason. The Jharkhand government has not made any statements so far. However, as of now, these arrests look like a witch-hunt against prominent activists of the State.

Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

 

Journalist Victimized by the Karnataka police #FOE #mediagag


 

In jail for the past 50 days for covering the Mangalore homestay raid,

Naveen Soorinje’s bail application comes up tomorrow.   

 

Posted Tuesday, Dec 25, 2012, http://www.thehoot.org/

On November 7, 2012, Kannada TV channel Kasturi’s reporter in Mangalore, Naveen Soorinje, 28, was returning after covering a public function addressed by former Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy, when he was arrested by the Mangalore police. From that date to now, he has been lodged in the Mangalore sub-jail. He has been denied bail by both Mangalore Judicial Magistrate First Class [JMFC] and the Mangalore district and sessions court.
Soorinje’s crime? He covered and telecast the attack on a birthday party at a homestay in the Mangalore’s suburb of Padil by Hindutva activists on July 28, 2012. But the charges against him are: unlawful assembly [IPC section143], rioting [147], rioting with deadly weapons [148], criminal trespass [447], house trespass [448], wrongful restraint [341], voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapons or means [323/324], criminal intimidation [506], intentional insult with intent to provoke breach [504], assault or criminal force against women with intent [354] and dacoity [395].
The Mangalore police have arrested 31 persons with Hindutva links in connection with the homestay incident. Soorinje, the only reporter present on the spot, and whose report identifying this incident as  ‘’Talibanization of Mangalore’’ was the basis for the entire case against the Hindutva activists, has been charged and arrested under the same sections of the IPC [Indian Penal Code] as the accused.
When his bail application comes up on December 26, 2012, Soorinje will have spent 50 days in jail. A small band of committed journalists and activists from Mangalore are fighting for his release. They have given petitions to the district administration, tried to get chief minister JagadishShettar to intervene, but to no avail.  Home minister R Ashoka,  reportedly at the behest of Soorinje’s boss Anita Kumaraswamy, the wife of former chief minister H D Kumarswamy, is said to have tried to protect the journalist. But, according to sources in Ashoka’s office, his efforts were muzzled  by a PIL filed by some Mangalore residents in the Karnataka High Court seeking a restraint on his intervention.
Who is Naveen Soorinje?
Mangalore reporters point out that Soorinje has been responsible for several exposes in his career, first as a reporter for the tabloid Karavali Ale and later, for the Kasturi channel. In the course of his seven year career, he has written and done audio visual stories that have targeted Hindutva organizations, the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Popular Front of India which is also a Muslim organization, the pontiff of Pejawar Mutt Vishveshateertha, who is the guru of former Madhya Pradesh CM Uma Bharti, and the powerful head of the Dharmasthala temple, the DharmadhikariVeerendraHeggade, among others.
‘’Naveen has taken on all-powerful organisations in the region, indiscriminately. He wrote exposes on corrupt policemen, exposes on journalists taking gifts in return for favours, so everyone was out to fix him. They have deliberately put non-bailable charges on him and ensured that he is out of circulation as a warning to everyone else who wants to expose the communalism bubbling over in Mangalore,’’ a fellow journalist, who declined to be named, told The Hoot.
Soorinje, by his own submission, had got a tip off from a source in Padil on July 28h that some people were preparing for an attack on Muslim boys who were consorting with Hindu girls. Soorinje says, according to a report compiled by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties Karnataka [PUCL-K]: ‘’The immediate thought that crossed my mind was, should I inform the police right away or not? I had not information about the organization that was going to attack. I also did not know who was going to be attacked or for what reason or the place at which the attack would take place. As I had been given the information by my news source, I thought I would inform the police only after confirming it.’’
Soorinje was the only reporter who reached the homestay, Morning Mist, before the attack at 6.50 pm. He had with him Rajesh Srinivas, the cameraman of another Kannada TV channel, TV-9, as his own cameraman was not available. Soorinje says when he reached there,  he saw a girl sitting in the verandah and two boys were at another corner, playing on their mobiles. ‘’There was nothing there which could provide a reason for assailants to attack, so even at that point, I did not think it was necessary to call the police, as the information that I had been given could be wrong.’’
But some 30 people gathered and barged in, as the girl on the verandah ran in and tried to shut the door. Soorinje says he immediately called the local inspector Ravish Nayak, but he did not receive the call. Soorinje then called the TV-9 reporter Rajesh Rao and asked him to contact Ravish Nayak, with the same results.
Along with the assaulters, another cameraman, Sharan of the local Mangalore channel, Sahaya TV, had come in. Sharan and Srinivas barged into the home stay along with the assailants, while Soorinje began reporting the story and alerting others. He says he was shocked at the kind of violence and molestation of the girls that the assailants indulged in and felt ‘’these things could not be made into visuals for the news. Very little of what happened there could be shot on camera. However, the way the assailants were manhandling the girls, if news cameras were not present, I shudder to think how much further they would have gone.’’
The police have built a case against Soorinje based on a complaint filed by an event manager Vijay Kumar, who was hosting the birthday party at the home stay. But Vijay Kumar has told PUCL-K: ‘’If the media had not been there, the goons would certainly have raped the girls. After the incident we gave a statement to the police. My signature was taken on a blank sheet of paper and then an FIR was prepared, some of whose points I don’t agree with.’’ He, along with other victims, held a press conference in Mangalore on July 29 and said: ‘’The media has helped us, there should be no case against them.’’
The police, further, did selective chargesheeting. Soorije was charged and put into jail, but the TV-9 cameraman whose footage was used by all channels including the national ones, is not among the accused. Yet another accused, Sharan of Sahaya TV, is going about his work in Mangalore, but he has not been arrested. A CD of the entire incident submitted by Soorinje to Ravish Nayak has gone ”missing” while a pen drive from TV-9 has been shown as the evidence. This serves the purpose of making TV-9 the witness and Soorinje the accused. The police have slapped the dacoity charge on him along with section 34 of the IPC, which reads:”When a criminal act is done by several persons in furtherance of the common intention of all, each of such persons is liable for that act in the same manner as if it were done by him alone.”
Naveen’s bail application comes up on December 26, 2012.

Delhi gangrape protests: Police constable Subhash Tomar dies


PTI : New Delhi, Tue Dec 25 2012, 11:15 hrs
Delhi gang rape

 47-year-old Delhi Police Constable, who suffered serious injuries during violent protests at India Gate on Sunday, died today after battling for life in a city hospital.

Subhash Chand Tomar was on ventilator since his admission at Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital on Sunday evening.

“With deep regret, we have to inform you Constable Subhash Chand Tomar succumbed to his injuries at 6:40 AM today,” Delhi Police Commissioner Neeraj Kumar said.

Tomar, a graduate in arts, hailed from Meerut in Uttar Pradesh.

He was posted in Karawal Nagar area and was called for maintaining law and order at India Gate area during the protests on Sunday over the gangrape of a 23-year-old girl on December 16 here.

Tomar, who joined the police in 1987, was found lying injured on Tilak Marg and was rushed to the hospital.

As a mark of respect, the Delhi Police decided that all personnel will donate one day’s salary to Tomar’s family.

Police had already arrested eight persons, including an activist of Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party, earlier and charged them with attempt to murder in connection with the injuries caused to Tomar.

A senior police official said murder charges will be now added to the case.

Blaming the protesters for Tomar’s death, his son Deepak alleged that protesters brutally beat up his father.

“The public is responsible for this because they beat him up so badly. Can they return my father?” he said.

Tomar’s brother Yudhveer Singh also echoed similar views and said, “What was his fault? He was only doing his job and now he is no more.”

The policeman’s another brother Devinder Singh said, “His family has no other source of income. He was very committed to his duty.”

 

Rape Cultures in India- #mustread #Vaw #Torture #AFSPA


DECEMBER 23, 2012, Kafila.org

Guest post by PRATIKSHA BAXI

Delhi has tolerated intolerable forms of sexual violence on women from all backgrounds in public spaces for decades. It is a public secret that women are targetted in streets, neighbourhoods, transport and workplaces routinely. There have been countless campaigns and appeals to all agencies concerned to think of safety of women as an issue of governance, planning and prevention. However, prevention of sexual violence is not something, which features in the planning and administration of the city. It is not seen as an issue for governance that extinguishes the social, economic, and political rights of all women.

It is a public secret that rape of women in moving vehicles is popularly seen as a sport. The sexualisation of women’s bodies accompanies the projection of cars as objects of danger and adventure. Private buses now participate in this sexualisation of moving vehicles as a site of enacting pornographic violence. In this sense, safety is not seen as a commodity that can be bought, purchased or exchanged. Men consume images of a city tolerant of intolerable violence. City planners enable rapists to execute a rape schedule. Streetlights do not work. Pavements and hoarding obstruct flight. Techniques of surveillance and policing target women’s behaviour, movement, and clothing, rather than policing what men do. The city belongs to heterosexist men after all.

The brutality of the assault on the 23 year old student who was gangraped and beaten mercilessly with iron rods when she resisted has anguished all of us—generating affect similar to the infamous Birla and Ranga murders decades ago. The nature of life threatening intestinal and genital injury has shockedresulting in angry protests in the city and elsewhere.Yet most remain unaware that the brutality accompanying sexual violence such as assault with iron rods, swordsand other objects; mutilating a woman’s body with acid;stripping and parading women; and burning them after a brutal gangrape routinelyscar the pages ofourbloodied law reporters. There is no political or judicial framework to redress such forms of aggravated sexual assault.

The judiciary, tall exceptions apart, construct rape as sex. This perspective from the rapist’s point of view, does not frame rape as political violence,which posits all women as sexual objects. Rape is repeatedly constructed as an act of aberrant lust, pathological sexual desire or isolated sexual deviancy.

Politicians for most part do no better. The parliamentary discourse on rape, after the brutal attack on the 23 year old woman who is fighting for her life, uses sexual violence as a resource for doing politics, and therefore re-entrenches rape culture. By arguing that rape is worse than death and rape should attract death penalty, rape survivors are relegated the space of the living dead. The social, political and legal mechanisms of shaming, humiliating, and boycotting rape survivors are not challenged. Nor are the mechanisms of converting rape narratives into a source of further titillation and excitement displaced. Rather most political actors convert rape into a technique of doing party politics. No one reflects seriously on why India sports a rape culture—surely the political and social toleration of intolerable sexual violence in everyday and extraordinary contexts of violence produces an effect of immunity and impunity to men who enjoy rape.

The right wing politician who is exhausting lung power on death penalty for rapists is not concerned with how a strident Hindu nationalism is built on violated bodies of women. Nor are such politicians concerned with what may happen to women if rape is punishable by death—surely there will be more murders and even more acquittals, since judges prefer to give lower than the mandatory sentence in rape cases. They have not marked the upsurge of the phenomena of burning and mutilating women after rape, as reported in the media, after a spate of such cases in Uttar Pradesh last year. Nor has any political party even acknowledged or apologised for the sexual violence during mass scale violence. Surely if chief ministers who get elected year after year dismiss mass scale sexual violence as a figment of imagination, this generates, endorses and even celebrates a new national rape culture.

The men (and even some women in positions of power) who lead India are successfully able to de-link the celebratory stories of neoliberalism, militarisation, nationalism,growth and development from the toleration of sexual violence as a sport, a commodity, as collateral damage, or a necessary technique to suppress women’s autonomy. Fact of the matter is that Surekha Bhotmange and her daughter were stripped, paraded, raped and killed in Khairlanji for expressing and asserting their autonomy. The men who assaulted and murdered them were not tried for rape.  Does anyone even remember that Bhanwari Devi’s appeal still languishes in the Rajasthan High Court? A courageous woman in whose debt all middle class women working in universities and everywhere else remain for the promulgation of the Vishaka judgment. We got the guidelines on sexual harassment in the workplace, but Bhanwari Devi did not get justice.  All of us remain in the debt of BilkeesBano who is perhaps the first survivor of mass scale sexual violence in Independent India to secure a prosecution in a rape and riot case but only after the trial was transferred. Manorama’s gangrape and murder by the army did not result in the withdrawal of AFSPA, which gives the army the licence to rape as ifto rape is in the line of duty. Can we de-link these issues from what Delhi protests today? Surely we must make these connections since we have benefited from the courageous litigation by women whose lives have been made absolutely abject.We must then equally resist the politics, which institutes public amnesia about these voices of suffering.

Alas, the brutality that Delhi witnessed is the effect of the toleration and celebration of rape cultures in India. Men and women, alike, from all classes, castes and communities must adopt a stance of solidarity that will not tolerate politicians, police officers, planners, judges and lawyers who build their careers on silencing the voices of raped women. Only a heightened intolerance for any kind of sexual violence as a social force will begin to chip away at the monumentalisation of rape cultures in India. Our collective melancholia must be far more productive.

Pratiksha Baxi is Assistant Professor, Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University

#Rape- Castration is not the right legal response #Vaw #Torture


ANUP SURENDRANATH, The indu

The view that it will deter rape is misplaced and based on a narrow, sexual intercourse-definition of the crime

There is a fascinating urban legend that Apple’s logo is dedicated to Alan Turing, who committed suicide by biting into a cyanide injected apple. A few years after he was instrumental in breaking the German Enigma code in World War II, Alan Turing was convicted in 1952 for homosexual acts in England. He agreed to the administration of female hormones when faced with incarceration. Apart from the abhorrent aim of such a measure, the scientific claim that hormone injections could alter sexuality proved to be dubious. The intuitive appeal chemical castration has as a method of drastically reducing the incidence of rape, I argue, is largely misplaced because it misunderstands the nature of rape as a crime. Rape is not about sex. Rape is about power, violence, intimidation and humiliation. Attempts to reduce the incidence of rape by controlling the sexual urge of men are bound to be ineffective because they invoke a very shallow and inadequate understanding of rape.

‘More effective’ punishment

Much before the current demand for chemical castration as a legal response to rape, Additional Sessions Judge Kamini Lau, while sentencing Dinesh Yadav in May 2011 for raping his 15-year old step-daughter for four years, called for a debate on castration as an alternative to incarceration in rape cases. Sentencing Dinesh Yadav to the minimum possible punishment of 10 years for such a crime under Section 375(2) of the Indian Penal Code, Judge Lau indicated that castration, surgical or chemical, would perhaps be a far more effective method to prevent rape. While contemplating the legal and ethical aspects of such a measure, it is important that we understand the precise terms of the suggestion, its potential to reduce the incidence of rape and its potential for abuse.

Clarity on the meaning of some of the terms might be useful at this juncture. Surgical castration does not mean removal of the penis, but is instead the irreversible surgical removal of the testosterone producing testes. Chemical castration involves injecting anti-androgen drugs that suppress the production of testosterone as long as the drugs are administered.

Modern legal systems have flirted with biological control of sexual functions for a long time for a variety of reasons. Forced sterilisation of criminals and intellectually disabled people through legislation to protect the purity of the gene pool was seen as an acceptable response to the eugenics movement in Europe and the United States in the early 1900s. The United States Supreme Court inBuck v. Bell (1927), upheld the constitutionality of the 1924 Virginia statute that authorised the forced sterilisation of intellectually disabled people (‘mentally retarded’ was the term in the statute). Vehemently endorsing the eugenic aims of the statute, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. permitted the forcible sterilisation of an 18-year old woman, with an alleged mental age of nine years and a family history of intellectual disability, with the infamous words that ‘three generations of imbeciles were enough’. Though Buck v. Bell has never been explicitly over-ruled, the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Skinner v. Oklahoma (1942) and the events in Nazi Germany considerably dented the popularity of forced sterilisations as part of the eugenics agenda. Forced sterilisations in the best interest of the intellectually disabled continued in the United States till the early 1980s and it was in the mid-1990s that the debates around chemical castration as a response to rape surfaced as a result of legislation in certain American States.

Once we get past the historical baggage of the term ‘castration,’ the strongest argument in favour of chemical castration is that it is a non-invasive, reversible method of nullifying the production of testosterone and thereby controlling extreme sexual urge. The use of Depo-Provera in many American States subsequent to chemical castration legislation does indicate that it reduces the risk of recidivism. However, such an approach limits the understanding of rape to the framework of sex. Irrespective of the differences in their positions on rape, influential feminists like Susan Brownmiller, Catharine MacKinnon, Andrea Dworkin, Ann Cahill, etc., agree that rape is not about the manifestation of extreme sexual urge. Violence, power, aggression and humiliation are central to understanding rape, and sex is only a mechanism used to achieve those aims.

Addressing the sexual element of rape does not address the violence and humiliation that rape is intended to inflict. Responding to a question on whether chemical castration for child molesters works, Catharine MacKinnon in an interview with Diane Rosenfeld (March 2000) captured the issue at hand by saying that “they just use bottles”. Castration as a response to rape furthers the myth that rape is about the uncontrollable sexual urge of men.

The limited role that sex has to play in understanding rape is further borne out by the fact that not all sex offenders are the same. In essence, an understanding that requires us to look at rapists merely as individuals engaging in deviant sexual behaviour is inaccurate. Rapists fall into different categories including those who deny the commission of the crime or the criminal nature of the act; blame the crime on factors like stress, alcohol, drugs or other non-sexual factors; rape for reasons related to anger, shaming, violence, etc; rape for reasons connected to sexual arousal and specific sexual fantasies, etc. Administering anti-androgens to rapists outside the last category will not be an effective response to check the incidence of rape. Mapping the long standing demand in India to reform the definition of rape (beyond penile-vaginal penetration) to include object/finger-vaginal/anal penetration on to the different categories of sexual offenders shows that a sexual intercourse-based understanding of rape is extremely narrow.

Gender violence

Even the most ardent supporters of chemical castration recognise that administration of anti-androgens without relevant therapies defeats the point of the entire exercise. Given the significant side-effects of chemical castration, a law that would require indefinite administration of anti-androgens for sex offenders is likely to be unconstitutional. Even if the argument is that governments must invest in chemical castration even if it means a minuscule effect on the incidence of rape, it would require State governments to put in place a rigorous system of providing therapy for it to be a constitutional option. Given the condition of state health care services in India, there are very good reasons to be sceptical about the feasibility of providing such therapy.

It is difficult not to succumb to the intuitive appeal of chemical castration as a response to rape. But it is an intuitive appeal that fades away on intense scrutiny. Intuition can be a great asset in politics of all sorts, but it is best avoided while contemplating a law requiring huge public investment, whose potential for abuse is immense and the benefits of which are, at best, uncertain.

Any meaningful attempt to protect women against rape must engage with gendered notions of power entrenched in our families, our marriages, our workplaces, our educational institutions, our religions, our laws, our political parties and, perhaps, worst of all, in our minds. There are many violent manifestations of these entrenched patterns of power in our society and while rape is certainly one of them, it would be a great disservice to empowerment of women in this country to not attach the same kind of urgency and significance to gender violence beyond rape.

(Anup Surendranath is an Assistant Professor of Law, National Law University, Delhi, and doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Law, University of Oxford.)

 

Anurag Kashyap joins hands with HIP HOP #Rapist Yo Yo #HoneySingh #Wtfnews #bollywood


, http://www.bollywoodlife.com/

Anurag Kashyap joins hands with singer Yo Yo Honey Singh for his album Satan!

Yogen Shah
 The Gangs of Wasseypur Director was so fascinated by the popular singer’s rebellious persona that he actually went on to produce a film for him

We could not believe our eyes when we saw filmmaker Anurag Kashyap sharing stage with popular singer Yo Yo Honey Singh at the launch party of the latter’s recently released album SatanKashyap is known for making intense films and hardly does he attend music concerts and shows which happen in the city quite regularly. So we were taken by surprise when we saw the Dev D director chatting away with Singh. But then, we quickly realised that Anurag actually produced the album (Satan) and he even went on to make a film with Yo Yo Honey Singh to promote the album.

The film is directed by David Zennie who had earlier directed the singer’s popular music videoInternational Villager. And now Kashyap has produced the recent video that got nearly 300,000 hits in just one day.

We all know Kashyap’s penchant for dark cinema. Right from Black Friday to Dev D and from Gulal toGangs Of Wasseypur, the intelligent filmmaker has explored the dark side of human psyche and life in general. No wonder then that he took a special interest in producing Honey Singh’s recent album which too has dark shades in it.

Looks like Kashyap and Singh have a lot of dark matter to share and the duo want to stimulate some grey cells with their ‘demonic’ creations!

Honey Singh’s brazenly pornographic and abusive anti-women songs glorifying rape and violence against women 

 MAIN HOON BALATKAARI !!!!

Raat ko nikali naari 

hui gadi pe savaari 

par voh raat usko pad gayi bhari. 

Peeche se aaya main 

utari uski saari 

kachchi phadi 

lungi gaadi 

aur g***d maari. 

Kyunki main………. 

Kyunki main………. 

Kyunki main hoon ek balatkari 

Kyunki main………. 

Kyunki main………. 

Kyunki main hoon balatkari

 

#India- UP rape victim raped by cops probing case #Vaw #Torture #wtfnews


 

By , TNN | Dec 25, 2012, 12.51 AM IST

 13 policemen will face trial for charges of gang rape in the case of Vakapalli tribal women  #Rape #Vaw

 

 

LUCKNOW: A gang-rape victim from Uttar Pradesh‘s Ambedkar Nagar, who was again violated by the investigating officer (IO) probing her case, has now alleged that she was also raped by the inspector in charge of the police station where she had lodged her complaint. While the IO was arrested on December 14, no action has been taken against the inspector. Now the victim has written to the chief minister for justice.

Maan Singh, a senior sub inspector (SSI) posted at Akbarpur police station in Ambedkar Nagar, was arrested on December 14 from a hotel in Faizabad by SSP D S Yadav. The arrest came after the SSP was informed that the cop had brought the gang-rape victim from Ambedkar Nagar to the hotel and was raping her. The victim was rescued from the room after the cop was caught with his pants down. Now the rape victim has alleged that in-charge of the Akbarpur Kotwali, inspector AK Upadhyay, had also raped her.

As per the woman, she was gang-raped in Ambedkar Nagar last month. Her family had lodged an FIR in this connection at the Akbarpur police station. Maan Singh was the IO of the case. Allegations are that after the police failed to initiate any action against the accused, the victim approached the SSI who promised to help her.

He then suggested that she should accompany him to Faizabad and appear before the deputy inspector general (DIG) Faizabad Range of which Ambedkar Nagar district police is a part. The unsuspecting victim agreed and accompanied Maan Singh to Faizabad. The cop took the victim to the hotel and raped her. During her ordeal, the woman somehow managed to send a message to her neighbour in Ambedkar Nagar, who contacted the Faizabad SSP.

The girl has now alleged that by the time the SSP raided the hotel and arrested Maan Singh, she had already been raped by Upadhyay as well. Upadhyay is the immediate boss of Maan Singh. The victim, in her letter to the senior officers, has alleged that though she had provided this information to the officer investigating the rape case against Maan Singh, no action has been initiated against the accused inspector.

The woman has now alleged that since the matter was related to the police department, she was being threatened not to testify against the arrested SSI before the court and was also under pressure not to raise the issue of the inspector’s involvement.

Faizabad city SP Subhash Singh Baghel said he was getting the charges verified. “Whosoever involved will not be spared.’

 

 

#SoniSori doesn’t need counselling #Vaw #custodialrape #WTFnews


SONISORICOLLAGE

DIVYA TRIVEDI, The Hindu, Dec 25, 2012

In contrast to the statement made by National Commission for Women (NCW) member Amina Shafiq that tribal teacher Soni Sori lodged in the Raipur Central Jail required psychological counselling, National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW) general secretary Annie Raja said there was no need.

Ms. Raja, who visited the 36-year-old teacher earlier this month, along with an NCW delegation, has submitted a report to the Commission, expressing her views. NCW is in the process of finalising the report before making it public. Soni has been regularly writing letters, and has submitted a set of demands in writing to the team which visited her. A person who needed psychological counselling won’t be able to present her case so sharply, Ms. Raja said.

“I met Soni Sori along with the NCW team and spoke to her. She definitely underwent a lot of violence, and even the team acknowledged that ‘something happened’ in police custody. But I don’t think she needs counselling. Truth is, I have evidence that she doesn’t require it, and have submitted a report to the NCW on this. I am just waiting for them to finalise the report, after which we will have a press conference,” she told The Hindu.

“She is hale and healthy. We didn’t find any fault with her health, though she is under emotional trauma, which is natural, considering she has been in custody for more than a year. She needs counselling,” Ms. Amina is reported to have said, after the meeting with Soni.

“NCW says Soni needs psychological counselling to deal with the trauma suffered in police custody. This means that NCW acknowledges that Soni has suffered custodial torture. Why doesn’t NCW then demand that the people who inflicted the torture in police custody be investigated, prosecuted and punished? Justice will heal Soni. Isn’t it Soni’s right to get justice and NCW’s duty to protect her rights?” asks advocate Vrinda Grover.

In her letters, Soni has been complaining of bad health and being denied sustenance, apart from being forced to strip.A tribal teacher in Dantewada district, Soni was taken into custody from Delhi in October last year, on charges of being a courier between Maoists and the Essar group.